JUSTICE AND PEACE
A Study in Thought
sa037
by
Marius Heuff
Chapter 1
Content
Difficulties with the concepts of justice and peace.
A series of questions.
Freezing a favourable status-quo.
The restless nature of human existence; objectives and ambitions.
Is peace only attractive and meaningful to those, who are weary and tired?
More questions.
Understanding some of the difficulties in bringing-about a condition of justice and peace.
We, and "the others".
Cultivating friends and connections.
Security, and our never-ending efforts to secure positions of power and privilege.
A definition of a Saint.
A dialogue with those who are privileged.
Superficial opinions and solutions.
Laziness, and the problem of rebellious hot-heads.
We all agree, that it is desirable, and beautiful, to have a situation of
justice and peace, and yet, why, then, are the actual fulfilment and maintenance
of these goals of social harmony so difficult, and, so full of disagreements
and disappointments? Is it merely a question of definition? Are justice and
peace only a matter of interpretation, or a situation that applies to some,
while, for others, it means exploitation and resentment? Are justice and
peace, merely, a smoke-screen, a euphemism for the privileged to hold-on
to their position by freezing a favourable status-quo?
Is, on the other hand, the obsessive rebellion of the fervent revolutionary
motivated, only, by the objective, rather than the practice of justice and
peace for all? Is their rebellion, merely, a reflection of the same old struggle
for dominance or power, and, will it, inevitably, lead to a new hierarchy
of exploitation and inequities?
Are we always destroying our conditions of tranquility and prosperity by
boredom and restless agitation, because we forget, so quickly, that the
status-quo of "intolerable boredom" is the same status our forefathers fought
so hard for?
Are we only interested in justice and peace, after we have grown weary of
struggle and war, and, do we always yearn for the excitement of competitive
strife, whenever our abundant vitality is unable to find a suitable channel
to dissipate its energy during times of relative security and prosperity?
Obviously, the conditions we idolise, or yearn for, in times of stress and
weariness, are fragile and temporary in nature, and, the conditions of peace
and justice are, often, a projection of our hopeful expectations, rather
than a clear and realistic mental imagery of the requirements for social
harmony.
When do we recognise to be in a situation of justice and peace? Or, can we
always find an excuse to complain about something? Can we always find a feeling
of dissatisfaction, that will make us yearn for something else? Can we always
find a reason to feel wronged? Are we deceiving ourselves, if we say, that
we want justice and peace? Are we, in essence, happier, when we struggle
and fight against our enemies, preferring to see the conditions of justice
and peace as abstract goals, rather than actual coditions we want to live
under?
Are we, then, only looking for a reduction in stress, whenever we are tired,
and, are we looking for stress, whenever we are full of vigour and vitality?
Are we yearning for peace and justice only, when we feel challenged or threatened
in our status-quo, and, are we inclined to bring our particular conception
of justice and peace with force and violence, whenever we feel, that we have
the strength and the opportunity to impose our will upon others?
Perhaps, all these questions are useful to make us realise, why the conditions
of justice and peace are not so easily obtainable, in spite of the superficial
platitudes we all agree upon. Unless we learn to see these difficulties,
clearly, together with the reasons, why these conditions remain so elusive,
we will keep shrugging our shoulders in disbelief and incomprehension about
the stupidity of other people.
The problem is, that, by shrugging our shoulders in disbelief, we understand
absolutely nothing, and, we only perpetuate the myth that "the others" are
the stupid people, not us. We agree, that there should be justice and peace,
and, we can see such blatant violations of the laws and moral codes of society
by "the others", that it is obvious, to us, why justice and peace are impossible.
We say to ourselves; "Others have to realise, just like we do, that we have
to cooperate and refrain from criminal practices, before we can achieve this
elusive harmony of justice and peace", tacitly assuming, of course, that
the violations of accepted norms of behaviour are entirely the fault of "the
other side".
When accepting the ideals of justice and peace, we rarely acknowledge, that
our own attitudes, actions and positions of privilege may be serious obstacles
in the fulfilment of the conditions of justice and peace. How often are we
willing to examine, carefuly, whether or not our position in society is a
reflection of a situation of justice? Do we, perhaps, occupy a position of
privilege that is a source of resentment to others? Do we enjoy an income,
that is, perhaps, somewhat larger than we really deserve? Do we perpetuate
or fortify our positions of privilege and power by cultivating connections
with influential people, as well as by our defensive opinions and attitudes,
which are, unthinkingly and unquestionably, in support of a favourable
status-quo?
"There is nothing wrong with cultivating friends and connections, and adhering
to the law and order of our society", you will say. "As a matter of fact,
we are behaving as responsible and informed citizens, communicating with
those, who are also informed and concerned about the maintenance of the social
order. Of course, we consider ourselves good citizens, and, we work hard
to bring-about and maintain the social conditions of justice and peace, as
well as those of law and order."
Yet, have you asked yourself the question, whether or not the maintenance
of the status-quo is, indeed, synonymous with justice and peace? Is the
cultivation of your connections, friendships and channels of influence not
dominated by a feeling of togetherness with those, who are also in a privileged
position? Do you look with some suspicion, or, even, a judgement of disapproval
at those social elements, who are rebels and radicals, attempting to overthrow
this comfortable social structure?
We can be sure, that we, who are occupying a position of privilege, power
or wealth, are always tempted to use our position and influence, our contacts
and activities, to maintain, secure or fortify these positions. If we look
honestly at ourselves, and, if we examine our attitudes towards people we
do not like and do not understand, we notice, that, we are, indeed, constantly
fighting for, or, at least, concerned with, the maintenance of a privileged
position in society.
Show me one person in a position of power and privilege, who has fully recognised
the egocentric orientation of his or her activities and attitudes, and, who
agrees about the inherent injustice of these activities and attitudes, and,
you will have shown me a Saint. Of course, it is natural, as well as an
expression of a normal biological instinct, that we want to hold-on to a
privileged position, and, we can often point with a certain pride to the
hard work we have carried-out, or, the risks we have taken in accomplishing
what we have achieved.
We feel justified in defending this position of advantage against envy and
attack, and, you will point-out, that others have just sat-back, enjoyed
a leisurely life and spent wastefully whatever income they had, while the
successful individual worked and saved hard. "Now, I own a little more than
they do. Now, I have a little more than those who did not live frugally,
saved consistently or worked hard, and, you come along and say to me, that
I am not justified in defending my hard-won earnings or savings, or, the
property I own? You say, that I am perpetrating an injustice by defending
my holdings against those lazy free-loaders, who have done nothing, saved
nothing, and, who are now jealous of my accomplishments. You are out of your
mind, if you think that it is "just" to be completely passive and to let
others take, whatever industrious people have gathered with many years of
hard work".
"Justice is the right to hold-on to the fruits of my labour and the right
to relax, now, after I have reached my goals. Justice is, to have some security
for my family; the ability to enjoy life after many years of hard work; to
see my children succeed with a little help from me, whenever necessary. This
is justice, and, if you do not agree with that, you are a leftist revolutionary,
who wants to rob the assets of the wealthy with the power of the gun, rather
than work for it."
I do not disagree with you at all. I only want to point-out, that we use,
invariably, our positions of achievement or privilege to secure a continuation
of this condition. I am not judgeing, at all, whether or not this is right,
nor, am I judgeing to what extent anyone's position reflects the fruits of
personal merit, or the help from family and friends. I only want to emphasise
the fact, that we are, so often, not aware of our attitudes and activities,
and, that the search for justice and peace is complicated by the entrenched
positions of power and privilege that are a feature of every social
environment.
We often have superficial solutions for the problems of those, who live in
poor and under-privileged circumstances. "Let them work for a change", we
say, "let them save and work hard, just like we did, and, the people who
are now poor could be just as well-off as I am now. If they were not so lazy,
they could have the same privileges I enjoy now", and, usually, we think,
that we have thereby solved the problems of disparity and poverty, or injustice
and resentment.
If we adopt such an attitude, we are really saying that all peoples, at least,
a large portion of those who are poor, deserve their poverty. There is then
no reason at all for those, who have less than we, to be resentful or violent.
Justice and peace are really so simple, and, we do not understand these
revolutionary hot-heads, who risk their lives, and our's, with their pernicious
violence. We wished that our governments would be tougher with them and shoot
them all! "Where are peace and justice", we ask, as we grow somewhat tired
and introvert as a result of the continuous pressures upon our assets and
privileges.
.......
Chapter 2
Content
A closer look at those revolutionary hot-heads.
The variable concept of "hard work".
Differences between rebels and opportunists.
The fragile conditions of justice and peace.
A broad look at the relationships between large groups of people.
A wide-ranging field of causes and their effects.
An optimistic outlook on future developments.
A review of the force-fields involved in the events of life.
The "freedom of choice" that is available to the members of mankind.
Why a definition of justice depends, strongly, upon what we believe to be true.
Changing aspects of what seems "just".
Confusing the concept of justice with "advantage".
Looking as an outsider upon a situation of conflict.
The art of judgeing fairly.
The crux of a satisfactory judgement.
Indeed, let us look at the enormous commitments and risks these revolutionary
hot-heads take upon themselves. "If they would put this energy to work to
make a living, like the rest of us, the world would be a lot better place
to live in", you may say, "but, they do not want to work. They fall for the
temptation to grab power with weapons, rather than with hard work. They do
not seem to believe in peace at all, only in victory and power, and, they
would, probably, massacre all those reactionary elements which have defended,
for so long, their positions of wealth and privilege!".
It seems that the fruits of hard work, the right to hold-on to the fruits of one's labours, as well as the concepts of justice and peace apply only to those, who have been successful. What about those who did not succeed? Do you think that those, who were too lazy to work for a living, could be persuaded to risk their lives for a revolutionary cause? No, they may be looters in a mob, secure in the anonymity of the multitude, but it is inconceivable, that the attitude of opportunism would sustain anyone in a revolutionary struggle. Opportunists do not have a deep commitment, because they are dull and too complacent, and, they actually like their easy-going life-style and modest requirements.
Society would never be severely challenged by the few lazy people who rather
accept social assistance than work. We can not explain the existence of enormous
social tensions on those dull and unimaginative people. Besides, we can not
really explain, why most people would rather be lazy than work, unless we
have let many jobs deteriorate to the point, that no-one could find any
satisfaction in them.
If we want to understand the requirements of a harmonious society, and, if
we want to understand the reasons, why the conditions of justice and peace
are so fragile, we will have to know a little more about the major drives
that shape our personality. If we really want to understand what justice
means, we will have to be able to analyse, frankly, the mechanisms that play
a role in society, and, we should resist the temptation to call, simplistically,
for peace and justice, while we are, in essence, only interested in freezing
a favourable status-quo.
If we really want to understand the meaning of justice and peace, we will
have to look, not only, at the tensions within society, (between those who
are privileged, and those who are under-privileged and exploited), but, we
will also have to look at the relationships between societies on a global
scale. Just as the contacts and inter-actions between the privileged and
under-privileged segments of a society always lead to severe tensions and
confrontations, so are the increasing contacts between societies, as well
as the rising awareness of divergent circumstances and living conditions,
a source for tension and strife which has to be resolved by the mechanisms
of justice, before we can have peace.
Justice and peace will find their answers in an understanding of the force-fields
that lie behind the many psychological mechanisms of the human being, but,
these same forces of cause and effect operate on a variety of levels; from
happenings on a molecular, cellular and multi-cellular scale, to those within
the human individual, the small social grouping, or, between societies on
a global scale.
These mechanisms are inter-woven and inter-related, and, it is not easy to
grasp them, but, once we have a fundamental understanding of the various
forces at work, we will also have a better grip over the mechanisms and
happenings that take place between people and their societies. Eventually,
we will interpret our own existence in such a broad light of understanding,
that we will ask ourselves, how it was possible not to have seen these
relationships before.
It is becoming clear, then, that we have to ask ourselves, how people can
cooperate and work together in a social context. We have to ask what the
driving forces are that lead to the ever larger and more complex social entities
of "civilisations" and empires. What are the reasons that such a condition
of social cohesion falls easily apart, again, breaking-up into smaller,
antagonistic elements? As we have outlined and discussed these questions
before, we will only review them briefly, and, at the same time, we will
also review the broader questions that relate to the mechanisms of growth
and organic complexity, as well as the life-processes in general.
We will, again, lay a strong emphasis on the concepts of energy, as well
as the changes that occur as a result of pressure- or tension-gradients.
Perhaps, this emphasis on force-fields and logical cause-effect relationships
will obscure, to some extent, our abilities summarised under the concept
of the "freedom of choice", which is, after all, an essential element in
the development of the human personality. We certainly will not forget to
look at the human faculty to choose freely and arbitrarily a course of action
or events, because this characteristic is, indeed, the crux of the quality
of "behavioural flexibility". However, we will see, that, a "free choice",
or "free will", does not mean, that an individual or social grouping is going
to use this ability completely arbitrarily, because such an arbitrary use
of the ability to choose a behavioural response would go against common-sense
judgements and evaluations, and, it would lead, eventually, to a loss or
deterioration of the quality of viability.
A member of a flexible species may use the faculty of behavioural freedom to make a mistake", inadvertently, as the result of an error in judgement, and, it will, then, learn from this mistake, or, it may make a wrong choice as the result of a mental illness; e.g., when a human being is severely depressed and may harbour suicidal or homicidal tendencies. Indeed, this is a diseased state of the mind, but such states occur, individually as well as collectively, and, we have to analyse them and take them into account in order to make sense out of human behaviour.
If one attempts to define a condition of justice, it becomes apparent, that
there are great difficulties for our efforts to come to a widely acceptable
definition. The reason is, that the concepts and contents of a state of justice
depend, nearly exclusively, upon the belief structures and the tacitly accepted
norms or behavioural guidelines accepted by an individual or a social grouping.
For a Christian, it is justice, that the sinner who has rejected his God,
will suffer eternally under the most horrible conditions, but, for the
individual, who does not accept these Christian beliefs, such a definition
of justice seems incompatible with those same Christian beliefs that portray
God as the embodiment of Eternal Love and Wisdom.
For the individual who has worked hard and is proud of his achievements,
any attack upon his fortunes or property will seem unjust, but, the worker
who has toiled in near-slavery conditions for his employer, sees the accumulation
of such riches as the fruit of his sweat and labours. To the clever merchant,
who sees an opportunity to buy cheaply and sell dear, such a practice and
its financial rewards will appear as a "just remuneration" for his efforts
and good judgement, but, for those, who see their natural resources dwindle
rapidly, such a practice is considered to be an act of exploitation and is
close to outright robbery.
The subtle shift in alignment of one nation in relation to another, may be
interpreted by one side as a realistic appraisal of changed circumstances,
but, it may be viewed by the other party as a treacherous breech of contract
or confidence. What is considered to be clever and in the best of interests
of one nation, may pose a threat to, and evoke a hostile attitude from, another
social entity.
The guidelines and laws of most democratic societies are designed to ensure
equal opportunity and treatment for all citizens, and, yet, these same laws
become, almost always, a tool for egocentric advantage-seeking in the hands
of clever opportunists, in particular, when specialised knowledge of the
law is primarily available to those, who can pay a high fee. We see, then,
that the competitive search for viability, opportunity or dominance, creates,
necessarily, diverging interpretations and conflicting existential signals
for the parties involved. What is advantageous for one, is, almost always,
to the detriment of someone else.
Too often, we confuse the concept of justice with the search for an "advantage".
Too often, we call justice what we should call, really, the consolidation
of a position of privilege. We really do not know, what justice is, except
for the fact, that we all experience a curious awareness that both parties
are wrong, (or, that they are right, to a certain extent), whenever we observe
a conflict-situation as an outsider.
This outside position gives us a chance to perceive the reality in such a
way, that we see, more clearly, the objective or impersonal forces at work
in this conflict-situation, and, if we are perceptive and hard-working as
a mediator, we are sometimes able to find a position, an opinion, or a judgement
allowing us to solve the conflict peacefully. However, a mediated solution
or proposal may not satisfy, entirely, the sense of justice of the opponents
in a situation of conflict. Often, this judgement satisfies one side more
than the other, and, the least satisfied party is likely to feel, that the
mediator has not listened to, or weighed carefully enough, the evidence or
arguments of its side.
Nevertheless, a review of a large number of such empirical mediation efforts
or judgements to settle a situation of conflict, shows, on the whole, that
it is possible to defuse many serious conflict-situations by a diligent and
careful scrutiny of the antagonistic view-points, and, when it is possible
for an intelligent and sensitive judge to reason and explain, convincingly,
and in great detail, the methods and mechanisms of his judgement, a sense
of satisfaction and understanding may pervade both sides in the conflict,
and, they may, even, be able to see, at least, to some extent, the validity
of each other's view-point.
This leaves us still in the dark about a satisfactory definition of justice,
even, if we acknowledge the intuitive art, or skill, of a satisfactory act
of mediation or judgement. The crux of a satisfying judgement seems, indeed,
to be the skill and persuasiveness with which an arbitrator or judge is able
to discuss and relate the various arguments before him. The attention given
to understanding, clearly and precisely, both sides of the dispute, and,
the ability to show both parties the misconceptions and egocentricity of
their view-points, together with a careful reference to the accepted behavioural
codes of society and a sympathetic, if intuitive, understanding for the many
emotions that play a role, all these characteristics describe a good judge,
but, they do not bring us, as yet, any closer to a satisfying, generalised
statement about the nature of justice.
.......
Chapter 3
Content
A look at the requirements for the judicial settlement of a dispute.
A review of mechanisms playing a role in a small unit of socially integrated animals.
The "natural leader".
The phenomenon of the hierarchy, or "pecking order".
The evolution of leadership structures and functions in the larger social environment.
A shift from a hierarchical stratification of individuals to groups of people.
The origins of class-divisions.
A review of early cultural developments in the human society.
A variety of "break-throughs".
The exploitation of labour.
Justice is the ability to avoid a debilitating internal strife; by making most people feel, that they genuinely benefit from belonging to their social environment.
Judicial settlements, originating from precedents and pragmatic examples, as well as generalised principles of conduct.
Behavioural guidelines are always formulated with the needs of society as the central organising principle.
The patriotism of an alien invader.
Complex societies need a definition of justice that can satisfy a large number of different cultural or ethnic groupings.
The first pragmatic steps towards formulating relativistic guidelines.
The problems of defining an attitude of "good-will" without a firm theoretical foundation.
Human rights and obligations.
Behaving collectively as a somewhat spoiled child.
The balance between rights and obligations is, in essence, the balance of an energy-equation.
Let us look at the circumstances under which a judicial settlement is possible.
First of all, both parties have to be willing, or be compelled, to submit
their dispute to a Court, and, the crux of the situation lies in the fact,
that the Court of Law has been given the authority, by society, to impose
a settlement. The right to settle a dispute between members of a community
is excercised by imposing a binding judgement, and, this imposition of a
binding judgement does away with the need, as well as the possibility, to
settle a situation of conflict by an armed confrontation. This constitutes,
indeed, a fundamental change in the mechanisms of settling a dispute, because,
without a judicial settlement, there is only the right of the strongest.
The benefits of a judicial settlement for society lie in the fact, that such
a settlement avoids the weakening effects of serious internal strife or outright
combat. These primitive and primordial methods of settling a conflict of
interest with violence have been made superfluous by the judicial process
and the imposition of a settlement, provided, that the settlement can, at
least, to some extent, be accepted by both parties as fair and just.
The roots of the judicial settlement go back to the early hierarchical groupings
of the socially integrated, behaviourally flexible animals, where the natural
leader, (the individual who is able to dominate all others and impose his
will), often prevents, with force, a serious fight between the members of
his group. It is very likely, that the natural leader has "appropriated"
the group by virtue of his territorial instincts, as well as the territory
as a whole. The leader considers the entire community and its territory as
"his domain", and a serious squabble or fight would pose a threat to the
strength and sovereignty of this domain.
This process, where the leader prevents a serious fight and imposes a settlement
in a dispute between the members of a socially integrated unit, enforces
the mechanisms of hierarchical ordening, where, grudgingly, a rudimentary
social harmony and cooperation is made possible by curbing and controling
the instinct to settle a dispute with an all-out fight. However, in the
hierarchical order, the settlement is imposed without any rules or regulations,
and, the empirical position within a hierarchical order, determined by
"test-fights", is the only yardstick by which the "fairness" of such a settlement
is intuitively judged.
The "hierarchical ordening" reflects, therefore, a situation, where the members
will tolerate the authority of those, who have been found to be stronger,
and, in turn, they will impose their will or dominance upon those, who are
weaker. This is the essence of the well-known "pecking order", and these
basic biological mechanisms made the entire process of secondary socialisation
possible in the first place. It is no surprise, then, that these mechanisms
still play a significant role in the inter-actions taking place in the human
society.
We have discussed the reasons, why the growth in size and complexity of human
societies required a sophisticated, multi-individual leadership structure,
leading, eventually, to confusing and, often, chaotic institutions and
bureaucracies. We have also seen, that the enlargement of the membership
of a social entity makes a clear-cut hierarchical differentiation between
the members more difficult. We have discussed these developments extensively
before, and, we have seen, how, eventually, the positions of many, if not
most members of a large social unit become "essentially equal". Interestingly,
in the large and complex social environment, the hierarchical stratification
is, then, more apparent between groups of people, rather than between
individuals, and, this tendency for the various sub-groupings within a complex
social environment to position themselves into a hierarchical stratum of
diverging classes, is a fore-runner of the hereditary class-divisions, which,
so often, lead to violent upheavals.
We have also discussed, how the aggregation of people into fertile land-areas
forced the development of complex inter-dependencies and cultural innovations,
such as an enlarged leadership structure, the formulation of more precise
behavioural guidelines, better articulated beliefs and explicit laws. We
have also advanced the view, that a particularly fortuitous and successful
development in any of these areas would have a remarkably beneficial effect
upon the function or viability of the social grouping as a whole, and, such
social experiments form the basis for a possibility to grow and expand, if
the society is healthy and vigorous.
Sometimes, such an innovative "break-through" would occur because of a
particularly successful leadership behaviour or leadership organisation,
with, e.g., improvements in administration or tax-collection. Or, the
break-through may be a particularly satisfying belief structure, resulting
in a strong morale and a tightly-knit social unit, together with an absolute
and unquestioned faith or belief in the interpretation of reality. However,
such a break-through may also take the form of a satisfying method for solving
internal disputes. As a generalised principle, we may say, that a cultural
break-through, or innovation, is particularly viable, if a large segment
of the population experiences a sense of belonging to this society as a result
of such a break-through mechanism.
Therefore, a "break-through" in the form of a parasitic mode of behaviour
by the ruling classes, (by exploiting the labours of the lower strata), always
resulted in high levels of resentment and tension, which would, eventually,
tear the society apart through the mechanisms of violent confrontation, or,
more slowly, in the form of social decay. This shows us, clearly, that some
changes and innovations have a long-term benefit, often surpassing the life-span
of a particular social entity in which the change was pioneered, while other
changes may give rise to a temporary viability for a part of society, while
reducing and, eventually, destroying the viability of the social unit as
a whole, such as, e.g., the parasitic mode of behaviour, exploiting the labour
and productivity of the lower classes.
We should also mention this important category of technological break-throughs,
(such as improvements of tools and weapons), which allowed a society to increase
its power and dominance over neighbouring societies. In particular, innovations
in weaponry, methods of conducting acts of warfare, new building techniques,
the development of food-storage and preservation, irrigation, cultivation
and the domestication of plants and animals, all these developments were
break-throughs, allowing a society a larger and more easily sustainable flow
of energy, and, as we have seen, such an enlargement of the ability to dissipate
energy would lead to a more secure existence. In other words, it represented
an increase in viability for the entire social unit.
Justice is, in essence, the ability to avoid debilitating internal strife
and conflicts, and, justice represents the ability to prevent the build-up
of dangerous and paralysing levels of resentment and mistrust. Mechanisms
of justice are, therefore, an important avenue through which a society can
increase its viability. The principles of justice were slowly formulated
from a long series of practical experiences with the settling of disputes.
These formal statements represented verbalised abstractions of common attitudes,
feelings and tacitly accepted behavioural guidelines, and, they became open
and explicitly stated guiding principles, whenever applied in a judicial
settlement.
In spite of such a summary description of social evolution, it is clear,
that justice is, indeed, nothing more than the formulation of generally
acceptable principles of conduct. This fact is evident in the practice of
referring to a long series of actual judicial settlements of the past during
a specific Court case, and, it is also clear from a historical review, that
these references were, often, imprecise, vague and tentative; insufficient
to cope with new types of disputes, as new or different situations of conflict
would inevitably arise in a changing world.
The behavioural guidelines of a society had to be centered around the well-being
of this society, and the practice of justice in the settlement of a dispute
would, therefore, always reflect the prevailing beliefs and opinions of a
specific social environment. The laws and guidelines of society reflected
the current opinions about what was considered beneficial and harmful, and
all behaviour would be judged from the point of view of accepted norms.
If a foreigner, a visitor from another society, would carry-out an act reflecting
his particular interests, or, the interests of the society he came from,
he would, necessarily, be judged as a traitor by the "host" society, and
yet, in the eyes of his own society, he may well be considered a patriot
and a hero. The main problem we face, (if we try to define justice objectively
and relativistically and not centered around the existential concerns of
any specific social environment), is the fact, that a specific judgement
is always "socio-centric", reflecting the interests of a particular group
or society.
In our times, contacts between people are expanding rapidly, often, on a
global scale, and, we feel a great need to formulate a more generally acceptable
concept and definition of justice, in order to develop ways to administer
the principles of justice internationally. In a way, the needs of all people,
and not just those of one or other social grouping, should be reflected in
the concepts and definitions needed for the administration of justice. Therefore,
we have to face, not only, the fact, that, people's beliefs may be quite
different from one social grouping to the next, but, there is an even more
difficult task to generalise the system of justice to such an extent that
it avoids a local bias, and yet, does justice to the many local variations
in circumstances and beliefs.
Within the large, multi-facetted societies of modern times, there are already
tentative developments towards dealing with these problems on the basis of
relativistic principles, because the large nations of today, (as well as
the larger civilisations and empires of the past), embody so many beliefs,
so many different interests and divergent behavioural guidelines, cultures
or ethnic groupings, that a consensus of justice is not possible anymore
on the basis of a common denominator of these beliefs.
This leads to the interesting tendency, (at least, in some of the larger
and more sophisticated societies), to separate, quite clearly, the content
of a belief from the manner of behaviour. The particulars of an individual's
beliefs, in particular, religious beliefs, are, then, considered to be "optional"
and variable, while the laws governing behaviour come to rest upon practical
considerations and principles of common-sense. These generalised and relativistic
laws and guidelines regulate, then, the relationships and transactions between
the members of society, and, these generalised and relativistic guidelines
take precedence over the precepts of specific religious beliefs or local
customs and judgements.
This is a first, pragmatic step in formulating a common concept of justice
and essential equality, with an intuitively relativistic attitude towards
the particulars of our beliefs. One of the problems we see with such a trend
towards a pragmatic and relativistic attitude towards the principles of justice,
is the fact, that the moral judgements of what is good and what is bad, are
becoming somewhat vague, as the religious and philosophical beliefs underlying
these judgements, lose their importance and become somewhat irrelevant.
We should not forget, that all our concepts of justice are based upon the
ability to differentiate between what is right and what is wrong. At the
present time, many people of good-will emphasise the concepts of individual
human rights as a basis for moral and legal judgements, without a clear
philosophical awareness of the consequences and limitations that are associated
with an unbridled application of the principles of individual human rights.
While we have been able to formulate a rather attractive package of principles
and rights, we still do not perceive, clearly, the need to formulate a package
of obligations as well.
We all are eager to accept a gift from society, (very much in line with the
free-for-all philosophy of a consumer-oriented outlook on life), but, we
are far more reluctant to consider, in detail and with stern logic, where
this gift is going to come from. We understand, even less clearly, that we
have to accept a package of obligations in order to make it possible for
our societies to give each individual the gift of human rights, and, these
difficulties become enormously complex and unoverseeable, if we try to visualise
the gift of human rights on a global scale of essential equality.
We all are eager to receive the benefits of belonging to our social environment,
and, we are quick to clamor for these benefits as a right of being a citizen,
but, we are less eager to contribute our taxes and best efforts towards the
same society. We still delude ourselves with the erroneous and pernicious
beliefs, that we can afford to give as little as possible, and take as much
as we can get hold of. Of course, there are many good reasons, why we do
not trust our society to make good use of our taxes, but we should also mistrust,
then, the ability of this society to provide us with the benefits and rights
we have come to expect and rely upon.
Collectively, we still behave, so often, as a somewhat spoiled child, because
we have very little difficulties taking for granted the fact, that our security
and energy requirements are provided for by benevolent parents. But, spoiled
children, often, have a hard time understanding, that, eventually, these
benefits which are so easily taken for granted, have to be earned. The
energy-balance has to be maintained. Something can not come from nothing,
and, this applies to our societies as well, but, we find it difficult and
unattractive to think about all the consequences and responsibilities of
our actions and demands.
However, we know, that, in the final analysis, the energy equation has to
be balanced. If we fail to look after this aspect of our existence, at some
time in the future, we, or our off-spring, have to repay the debts, often
at a high price, indeed.
.......
Chapter 4
Content
The beginnings of a global standard of justice.
Why hierarchical in-fighting is futile in a large society.
Differentiations on the basis of an essential equality in status and opportunity.
A statement of basic human rights.
The responsibilities of leadership.
The administration of justice is a leadership function.
The qualities of a good judge.
A greater role for judicial settlements in the future.
The need for "distance", when arbitrating a dispute; various difficulties.
The jury-system.
Offenses against the basic values and beliefs of a social environment.
Difficulties with obtaining strict impartiality.
Justice is a fickle and difficult instrument.
The current ideas about the need for universal human rights are helpful,
in spite of the fact, that they are incomplete and give rise to somewhat
irrealistic expectations. At least, there is a beginning for a set of guidelines
that can be elaborated into a global Constitution of laws and regulations
for the administration of a globally valid system of justice. We may not
fully understand, as yet, that we have to earn these rights, and, that we
have to fulfill our obligations to society in order to make it possible to
receive these rights, but, we may look upon the concepts of universal human
rights as a basis upon which we can begin to discuss the needs and outlines
for a globally applicable body of law.
We know, now, that the enormous multitudes of human beings make the mechanisms
of hierarchical posturing completely unworkable, at least, for our inter-actions
on a large scale. An awareness of our common biological needs and drives,
as well as the relatively small differences that exist between us, make the
hierarchical order, (representing a biological experiment with some sort
of mechanism to overcome destructive forms of competitive strife), futile
and counter-productive for the large and very large social entities.
Certainly, people become very different in the course of their lives, and,
we have discussed, before, how this tendency to differentiate can be a great
advantage and enrichment for society, provided, that we are able to keep
the basic needs and requirements satisfied for everyone. In other words;
becoming different through a process of task-differentiation and specialisation
in function should lead to a status of mutual inter-dependence, while maintaining
a position of essential equality for our existential requirements and
inter-actions. A differentiation in functions and skills should not become
a mechanism for exerting power for our own benefit, leading to the exploitation
and enslavement of those, who are more vulnerable and less competent.
The basic similarities in wants and needs of human beings, make us increasingly
aware of the inevitability to accept the concept of a basic or essential
equality in existence for us all. Essential equality of the right to exist,
to fulfill the basic requirements of life, to be free from hunger or pain,
to be free from exploitation, abuse or slavery, and, to be well-informed,
are concepts and ideas we all can identify with. This means, that, in the
course of our existence in society, some of us will become influential and
inspiring leaders, while others find their role in life as followers or
supporters. This type of differentiation is natural, and, it is a sound
biological and sociological phenomenon, but the power of leadership and the
positions of authority have to be safeguarded, constantly, from being abused
for egocentric purposes.
Nowhere should it be more obvious than in a position of leadership, that
power and privilege have to be earned with hard work, an attitude of
responsibility, as well as an outlook of compassionate concern. If the social
leadership forgets the natural balance between authority and responsibility,
the society under its jurisdiction is doomed, as we have argued before. If
a leadership forgets the basic reasons for its existence, such a leadership
is corrupt, and, the social unit is, in the long term, unviable.
The members of society are usually not clearly aware of their obligations
and responsibilities towards society for the care and the benefits provided
to them as a package of birth-rights. But, then, how can people be aware
of these responsibilities, unless they have been taught, clearly and
comprehensively, by a comprehensive educational curriculum, which is, in
essence, a function of social leadership? The responsibilities of social
leadership are immense, and, we see, more clearly all the time, the inextricable
relationships between the quality of social leadership and the stability
and viability of our large-scale social entities.
We do not want to elaborate, here, on the qualities and qualifications necessary
for a beneficial social leadership, because we have done so before. Here,
we want to focus our attention upon an outline for a world-wide system of
justice, as well as the ways and means to get some sort of a consensus about
what this system of justice should look like. We know, that the administration
of justice is a leadership function, which has been delegated to a specialised
branch of the leadership, the judiciary, and, at the same time, we have also
established the fact, that the assumption of such a specialised leadership
function carries the same responsibilities as all other functions of leadership.
This is the reason, why it is so important to use the opportunity of each
and every judgement in a Court of Law as a forum for teaching and instructing
those, whose disputes are being settled, and, to instruct all those, who
are connected with the case, or, who are attentive by-standers, fascinated
to see justice in action.
Regardless, how routine or apparently trivial the dispute, the judge should
make each time an effort, with fresh energy and an open mind, for the numerous
subtleties and variations of each case, in order to understand and "feel"
the dispute or the problem at hand. Nowhere in society has an individual
the opportunity to influence as much the attitudes and beliefs of others
than there, sitting as a respected judge in the leadership function handed
to him by society, where he is called-upon to make a wise, just, careful
and compassionate judgement.
Unless the judge tries, in each case, to understand the feelings and attitudes
of the people involved, he betrays the awesome responsibilities society has
bestowed upon him. A bored, tired, careless and insensitive judge is a misfit,
just like a tyrant is a misfit. A shirked responsibility, or, a fraudulent
attitude towards the obligations of fairness and impartiality can only make
a mockery of the social institutions that have been created to dispense justice.
In stead of dispensing justice, an unsuitable or corrupt judge would dispense
hatred, resentment and contempt, contributing to social decay, rather than
providing one of the most powerful avenues to secure social cohesion and
mutual trust.
Certainly, similar considerations play a role with most professionals, who
have been given a mandate by society to carry-out a responsible function
in an atmosphere of complete reliance and trust, and, as a rule, the glamorous
relationships of trust and competence that play a role in the contacts between
a physician and his patients, are more easily dramatised and publicised.
However, the trustful relations between a physician and his patients have,
usually, only the health of one individual at stake, but, the competence
and impartiality of the judiciary is the main life-giving institution that
looks after the health and well-being of an entire community.
I am convinced, that, in the future, the role of the judiciary will be even
far more extensive and important than it is now, because the range of disputes
that will come under the jurisdiction of the Courts will be greatly enlarged.
At the present time, the traditional roles of the judiciary are fairly narrowly
defined, and have been divided into the realm of "criminal law", (where an
individual or group has acted against society or another individual in a
way that is a direct violation of the laws of society), and, the realm of
"civil law", where disputes between members of society can be settled with
the help of the Court. In the latter case, the dispute does not involve a
criminal offense against society or an individual.
Impartiality in judgement is only possible, if the individual charged with
the responsibility to judge, is not in any way involved in the dispute. If
the judge is involved, or, if he has pre-conceived opinions about the case,
then, there is a conflict of interest, and, such a judge should withdraw,
voluntarily, from the case by disqualifying himself. If the society is large,
it should be possible to find someone competent to judge; someone, who is
completely uninvolved with the dispute.
If such a dispute arises between a member of society and a member of the
legal profession, the situation is more complex, since the judge or the judgeing
official is, at least, in our modern societies, always a member of the legal
profession, and, the distance between the judge and the disputing members
may not be as large as desirable.
When a member of society has offended or violated the traditions or interests
of the society as a whole, a somewhat similar difficulty arises, since the
members of the judiciary are also members of society, and, they share, by
and large, the same beliefs, attitudes and opinions as the rest of the
established members. To a certain extent, such a difficulty can be overcome,
if the offending party and the society are both represented by a skilled
member of the legal profession; e.g., the Council for the Defense and the
Crown Prosecutor. These professionals argue the merits of the case in an
emotionally more or less neutral manner in front of a judge, who is often
assisted by a jury or a number of colleagues.
The jury system is an interesting participation by lay-people in the judicial
process. A group of lay-people, (members of the society at large), are carefully
selected in order to prevent, as much as possible, a bias in attitude on
the basis of a prejudice or fore-gone conclusions. This jury has the task
to agree, unanimously, about a verdict of guilty or not guilty of a charge,
or a number of charges, and, the jury only listens to the display of the
evidence taking place in the Court room by the legal representatives of both
parties under the guidance of the judge.
If a member of society has violated sacredly held beliefs, customs or generally accepted attitudes, the anger and emotional responses of the people involved reflect, often, an attitude that is more emotional than desirable for a reasoned and impartial judgement. Therefore, the case of treason against the State, or, the uttering of an opinion held as detestable or blasphemous, are cases, where the defendant will find it difficult to receive a truly impartial hearing and judgement. Emotions play so easily a major role, then, and, it becomes difficult for the judge to remain objective and see the arguments and motivations from both sides.
What judge will consider the merits of the patriotism displayed by a member
loyal to a foreign and potentially hostile power, when considering the facts
in a case of treason? What judge and jury can withstand the pressures of
partiality and the emotional feelings of horror, when a defendant is accused
of refuting or overturning a sacredly held concept or mode of conduct? How
can a violent revolutionary, who wants to overthrow the entire system of
authority, expect an impartial hearing from a member of the same authority,
he is fighting so hard to destroy?
In many cases, therefore, complete judicial impartiality is impossible, but,
we see, that, it is, often, difficult for the judge and jury to realise,
to what extent their impartiality has been compromised. Many subtle, intuitive
and emotional factors are at work, and, most of the time, we are only vaguely
aware of the notions, attitudes and behavioural guidelines we generally subscribe
to as members of a specific social environment.
Justice is, therefore, a fickle instrument, and, it is a specialised and
delegated function of the social leadership. The leadership of every society
is primarily concerned with the interests of its particular social environment,
as well as safeguarding its authority and leadership institutions. Seen in
this light, we recognise, more clearly, the possibilities and limitations
of the institutions of the judiciary and the administration of justice under
the prevailing laws.
.......
Chapter 5
Content
The "sense of justice"; a review.
The differences between a threat and a disappointment.
A review of the basic classification of sensory stimuli.
The break-through of predation.
Maintaining the basic distinction between positive and negative stimuli.
Confusing and contradictory stimuli.
The emotions of resentment, anger, and a wounded pride.
Multiple codes of behaviour.
The hunter and his prey.
All-out combat.
Tacit agreements or codes of behaviour.
The act of favouritism; tampering with a hierarchical status.
The "near-leader" is likely to be feared and denied access to power.
Polarising force-fields within a social environment.
Let us look, again, at this remarkable phenomenon we all seem to display
so well; nl., the sense of justice, or, perhaps, it is much easier for us
to recognise a feeling of having been wronged, than it is to recognise,
accurately, what course of action or mode of behaviour constitutes a situation
of justice. Let us analyse, therefore, the reasons and circumstances, why
we may feel wronged, as distinct from being threatened or dominated.
If we experience an acute anxiety or threat, a variety of defensive reactions
are mobilised, but, when we feel to have been wronged, we experience a powerful
mechanism of anger and resentment, in spite of the fact, that there may not
be any significant threat to our existence. What, then, are the mechanisms
that lie behind our perception of justice, or injustice; of being wronged,
or, at least, what lies behind the subjective impression to have been wronged?
How do the mechanisms of anxiety and anger differ?
If we observe the behaviour of a variety of animals, in particular, the more
primitive life-forms, we see, that their behaviour can be described by a
fairly simple system of discrimination, where sense impressions or stimuli
are classified into positive and negative categories. We have discussed these
mechanisms extensively elsewhere, but, we should recall to the focus of our
understanding and conscious awareness, how life is, in essence, a fluid system
of ever-changing biochemical relationships, which has found a possibility
of existence by virtue of the ever-present flow of a stream of biochemical
or biological energy. The ability to secure a constant flow of biological
energy is an important step towards a state of enhanced security, because
the organism will, then, be less sensitive to fluctuations or interruptions
in the supply of life-giving energy.
The act of predation represents a specific example, how an organism may fulfill
its energy requirements, and, we understand, now, much better than ever before,
how this evolutionary development has dominated the manifestations of life
on earth. Every animal has to be a predator. This means, that, every animal
has to ingest pre-fabricated organic materials, be it plant or animal in
origin, because the mobility of the animal life-form has made it possible
to abandon the somewhat cumbersome processes of photo-synthesis.
In the world of the living organisation, almost all species' serve, therefore,
as a source of food for one or other animal, because all animals hunt or
gather food. (The hunt represents the process of gathering food in the form
of another animal, and, this process requires a more skilled and complex
pattern of behaviour compared to the gathering of vegetative life-forms,
or, plant-food).
Nevertheless, the basic classification of behaviour-patterns remains based
on a discrimination between positive and negative stimuli, and, for this
reason, it has been possible to classify animal behaviour into three broad
categories. First, there is the aggressive or positive category of looking
for food. The corollary is the negative or defensive category, where an animal
tries to prevent being eaten by a predator, and, thirdly, there is a somewhat
separate and often complex category of behaviour associated with the functions
of sexual contact and reproduction.
These categories are visible, even, in the uni-cellular animal, where the
organism develops the capability to distinguish between a positive or beneficial
stimulus, (which it will try to maintain as long as possible), and a negative
or harmful stimulus, (which the organism will try to avoid or resist). This
basic pattern persists in the more complex animals, in spite of the enormous
elaboration of the range of behavioural responses.
All animals analyse the incoming stimuli into categories of similarities,
which are, then, compared to an innate or an acquired system of reference
of existentially significant stimuli. We have discussed, before, how many
stimuli or groups of stimuli are being received by the more complex organisms.
These stimuli may well be contradicting each other, and, this makes the choice
of an adequate response much more difficult. When we look at the animal species'
that are closely related to us, we see, that their behaviour-patterns are
becoming increasingly more complex, but, we still do not see, to any significant
extent, the many features that have become so important in our own behaviour.
We do not really see the emotions of resentment, anger or a wounded pride,
which are such important behavioural organisers for us, human beings. Can
we trace the origins and development of these, apparently, rather specifically
human behavioural traits?
In response to this question, we may summarise our conclusions by saying,
that the social organisation of human beings evolved complex and overlapping
codes of behaviour. These are mainly subconscious agreements, well below
the level of abstract thought and verbal expression. If these codes are violated,
we develop a sense of anger, resentment and mistrust, and, we will trace
these mechanisms in more detail, because they are essential for an understanding
of the mechanisms or requirements of a condition of justice and peace.
When an animal hunts its prey, we see, that it anticipates a good meal, and,
usually, the predator shows an ebullient confidence in the success of the
hunt. The hunted prey exhibits an extreme form of anxiety, organised into
a wild flight or a desperate last stance. In neither animal can we see any
behaviour that resembles, even remotely, a feeling of "resentment" or a "wounded
sense of justice". The prey does not feel "wronged" by being hunted, nor
is the hunter bothered by any feeling of "conscience", or a sense of having
done something wrong. The reasons are, that neither animal violated any sort
of agreement or code, because there are no agreements between the hunter
and its prey.
Similarly, two men in an all-out combat-situation are fighting to the death,
and the loser expects to be killed, while the victor finds it completely
natural to slay his enemy, whenever he can. Again, there is no violation
of any agreement in such a situation, and, both sides expect, at least tacitly,
this type of behaviour. Both sides accept the results of a battle, even,
if the disastrous consequences of a defeat and certain death are rarely
scrutinised, clearly, before-hand, since such a reflection upon possible
disaster would evoke alarming, or, even, paralysing levels of fear.
However, a measure of tacit agreement has been reached by a group of people
who have positioned themselves into a hierarchical order. The order has been
formed "naturally", and, it reflects accurately each individual's capabilities.
After such a tacit and completely subconscious "contract" has been reached
in the process of "secondary socialisation" of the complex, behaviourally
flexible animals, any deliberate violation of such a hierarchical order will
be resented. For example, if the leader or leadership of such a group brings
another member into a position of artificial prominence by an act of favouritism,
the status or position of power which such an individual assumes, exceeds,
then, the natural abilities of this member, and, this means, that he or she
occupies a position within the group on account of a special, favoured
relationship with the leadership, and not on the basis of his or her own
abilities as a personality.
This artificially elevated position has to be continuously protected by the
leadership, and the relationship can be terminated, arbitrarily, at any time.
Usually, there is an exchange of favours at work in such a situation of
favouritism. In return for the special status of favour or prominence given
to an individual or a small group, the individual or group will have to be
extra-ordinarily loyal, or, even, enslaved to the leadership.
The elevation of a favoured but weaker individual is, therefore, brought-about
by a tacit agreement. Elevation in status is paid-for by unswerving loyalty
and devotion, and, this bond of enslavement may lead to all sorts of acts
that serve the egocentric needs of the leadership. In the complex, modern
societies, we see such acts as spying or the carrying-out of military services.
The leadership of society, often, pays a high price for such services,
especially, if these services are geared to the needs of the leadership,
rather than the needs of society as a whole.
The leadership may fear a competitor; someone, who is only just below the
hierarchical position of an established leader, and, by favouring a group
of less powerful individuals, the leadership tries to fortify its position
against the probable challenge of those, who have aspirations to become leaders
themselves. This mechanism is so common, that we may safely state, that,
nearly every leadership makes use of this technique, be it mostly subconsciously.
Every leadership surrounds itself with trusted allies and advisors. The stronger
elements within a social grouping are then actively pushed back or aside,
because they are feared and mistrusted by the established leadership, and,
this is one major reason for the deep divisions of so many social groupings,
especially, when the members of society become polarised by strongly antagonistic
leadership candidates.
The great wisdom of an elected leadership resides in the fact, that the struggle
for power and the maintenance of a position of leadership are changed from
a ruthless, primitive and violent battle, to a contest or race for popular
support and confidence. Indeed, this has been one of the most valuable cultural
innovations of all times, and, this mechanism allows for the dissipation
of powerful energies, as young and ambitious people search for a position
of prestige and influence.
.......
Chapter 6
Content
A "clash of personalities".
The near-leader as a leader of a sub-grouping.
The many roles of the members of society.
Democratic mechanisms grind to a halt through corruption and inefficiencies.
A basic injustice; the abdication of leadership responsibilities.
The road towards interminable squabbling.
Constitutional Guidelines; only a meagre beginning, so far.
The lack of insight.
The requirements for future Constitutional Guidelines.
The widespread practice of favouritism.
The need to become more aware of harmful attitudes and practices that are still considered to be normal or, even, desirable.
The under-privileged youngster.
Hypocrisies.
People live in only a very small segment of their society.
The widespread experience of discrimination.
Discrimination, sliding towards corruption.
The poorly defined concepts of justice.
Practices of injustice.
We like to focus our attention upon one of the most common and important
causes of resentment, anger and frustration. For example, a powerful, highly
placed individual, a near-leader, is barred from access to, and cooperation
with, the established leadership, because he is feared by the leader, and,
the near-leader or competitor shows, often, a measure of contempt for the
established leader. This is a classic situation of conflict, which is somewhat
vaguely described as a "clash of personalities".
In the complex societies, these near-leaders often form their own sub-groupings
and they function, then, as a leader for a sub-grouping. Interestingly, these
sub-groupings develop all the trappings of a leadership structure with its
own hierarchy. Ironically, these near-leaders become established leaders
themselves, even, when in opposition to an established leadership. They may
function, officially, as an "opposition leader" in a politically pluralist
society, or, they function as a revolutionary leader, whenever the mechanisms
of the democratic process have reverted back to the use of raw power.
The mechanisms of challenge, with the danger of further fragmentation, repeats
itself, because we are dealing, here, with basic behavioural characteristics
in the struggle for power. Society, therefore, has a tendency to become a
complex mosaic. There is an established, overall social leadership with multiple
governmental or bureaucratic channels, and, there is always a tendency for
some members of this bureaucratic structure to assume leadership roles
themselves. People in a position of near-leadership and responsibility will
show varying degrees of allegiance to the overall leadership, and, they have
a tendency to structure around themselves a replica of the same channels
of leadership and leadership challenges, as we see in the larger
society.
Similarly, throughout society, many of the members may play a role in one
or other sub-structure, functioning in varying degrees of harmony and dissent
with the established leadership institutions of the overall society. Many
members fulfill various roles of leadership and near-leadership, and, they
participate in all the machinations and intrigues that are associated with
a struggle for power.
The feelings of resentment that arise, whenever a talented and ambitious
individual has been snubbed and replaced by a clique of loyal favourites,
can be alleviated, to some extent, if the society has the ability to absorb
dissent and provide for an outlet to voice differences of opinion and approach,
as we see in the multi-Party systems of politically pluralistic
societies.
However, the ultimate ambition of many vigorous and talented people is represented by the drive to become the overall political leader of a large society, and, if the democratic mechanisms grind to a halt by corruption and inefficiency, the forces of dissent will, inevitably, opt for a violent challenge to the established leadership and its entourage of favourites. Attitudes of resentment, together with the feelings of a wounded pride and justice, are powerful emotive forces in all of us, and, they result from broken agreements, as well as unauthorised changes in the basic mechanisms of hierarchical ordening, which reflects, in essence, a differentiation on the basis of individual merit.
The consequences of a leadership that has become increasingly egocentrically
motivated, are far-reaching, and, it is fair to say, that the abdication
of leadership responsibilities is the main reason for social tensions in
each and every society. In a way, it is justified to call this the fundamental
cause of injustice. It is an unforgivable fault, always made and always repeated
by people in a position of power and responsibility, because these consequences
and mechanisms have never been fully recognised and acknowledged.
The reason, why this "basic injustice" of tampering with the natural hierarchy
of personal merit and strength causes such strong emotional reactions, lies
in the fact, that the practice of favouritism is an offense against our primary
biological heritage. We have seen, how nature has carefully prepared the
social animals for a role in a socially integrated grouping; by exploring
the mechanisms of a natural hierarchy, together with the functions of small-scale
social leadership with its many explicit and implicit responsibilities.
In fairness to many of our modern insights, we should acknowledge, that these
mechanisms have, at least, been recognised intuitively, and, the practice
of allowing opposing political Parties that are represented on the basis
of a popular vote in a Parliament or a House of Assembly, to openly debate
with each other, is an essential step forwards towards avoiding a dispute
from deteriorating into a clash of arms. At the same time, the formation
of a majority or coalition government, (if necessary), goes a long way to
alleviate many of the severe stresses within a society, resulting from diverging
opinions and conflicting interests. These stresses are aggravated by artificial
hierarchical displacements and leadership favouritisms, which are an inevitable
by-product of the excercise of leadership powers from a position of
incompetence.
However, it is possible, and, even, likely, that such a democratically
constituted government will quickly lead to interminable squabbling and chaos,
unless precise Constitutional Guidelines guide the elected representatives
and their leaders through the maze of functions that have to be carried-out,
in order to secure the continued survival of society and its representative
leadership. Unfortunately, these Constitutional Guidelines are still lacking
in precision and scope, because we, the peoples in democratically governed
societies, have still not become sufficiently aware of the many important
functions a Constitution has to carry-out, and, we are also insufficiently
aware of the many responsibilities we, ordinary citizens, have towards our
democratic societies.
In most politically pluralist societies, the Constitution has begun to regulate,
in broad outlines, the basic inter-actions of a society and its people, and,
this Constitution describes, at least, to some extent, the structure of
government. It does not describe in sufficient detail, however, the long-term
objectives of a society, or the relationships with its neighbours, and, it
leaves almost untouched the questions of mushrooming bureaucracies, fiscal
policies and responsibilities, economic goals and priorities, governmental
and leadership practices with their tendency to secrecy and incompetence.
Nor, does the Constitional Guidelines address the many aspects of "national
security", the level of transparence that is desirable in society, and the
rights of citizens and officials to know about what is going-on. We have
outlined many of these aspects before, and we will not pursue this line of
thought any further.
We have discussed one of the major sources of resentment, anger and a wounded
sense of justice, nl., the practice of leadership favouritism and hierarchical
displacement from a position reflecting personal merit or achievements. However,
we should not come to the erroneous conclusion that only leaderships are
practicing favouritism. The practice of favouring our friends, relatives
and children is so widespread, that, in many instances, we do not even recognise
this as a favouritism or an injustice. On the contrary, we accept and actively
propagate such practices as examples of responsible and concerned parenthood;
as examples of loyalty and friendship; as mechanisms of a natural trust in
kinship relations. Yet, if we examine these conditions carefully and objectively,
we must come to the conclusion, that all these attitudes are nothing more,
and nothing less, than favouritism, extended from a privileged position to
those, who are closest to us by kinship or friendship. As a result, we by-pass
many strangers, who may well be more capable and more deserving of a helping
hand than our own children, relatives or friends.
It is perfectly natural for anxious parents to want to help their children
in the struggle for a position in society, in particular, when society encourages
competitive strife, but, we should realise, that we destroy the principles
of equal opportunity for everyone, if we give-in, even, if only in minor
forms, to the desire to see our children begin life with a head-start. We
have argued, before, how children from successful parents have already an
edge over those born into slums or disadvantaged social conditions, because
of the fact of having received a valuable parental example and a better
educational input. Almost invariably, children born from successful parents
have a better formal education, and, they have much better access to institutions
and influential people. Often, they have a financial advantage as well. Equal
opportunity for all is an attractive catch-phrase, but few of us are, really,
willing to look seriously at all the implications such a concept
entails.
Look at the intelligent but under-privileged youngster, who is growing-up
under disadvantaged circumstances, and, who is easily somewhat ashamed for
the failures of his parents. He learns and experiences, every day, that he
is somewhat discriminated against, and, that he is often feared and mistrusted
by those who come from the comfortable establishment. Growing-up in an increasing
awareness of the hypocrisy of the professed ideals and beliefs of society,
the under-privileged youngster can not help but feel a sense of resentment
and anger, because he knows, that the mere fact of his place of birth and
racial origin, his manners and dress, his education and associations, are
going to make it more difficult for him to succeed and gain access to the
traditionally desirable top positions in society.
Hierarchical displacement and favouritism are practiced by us all, because
the moment our disadvantaged youngster has fought himself into a position
of relative power and influence, he will be favouring those of his own
background; at least, he should, if he wants to be considered as a decent
human being, and, by this time, he will have accepted the hypocrisies of
his society. It is certainly true, that the very large and fluid societies
have, now, so many possibilities for so many different cultures and ethnic
groupings, that it is difficult for any particular group to maintain a privileged
position for any length of time. However, it is not difficult to recognise,
that these mechanisms of favouritism and hierarchical displacement still
occur, and, the hypocritical discrepancies between the realities of social
life and the professed beliefs in a universal and equal opportunity for all
members, are clearly visible to us all.
The effects of discrimination may be "smoothed-out", somewhat, in the overall
complexity and diversity of a large society, but, we should not forget, that
people do not live "all over a country". They live and grow-up in a particular
locale, and, often, their cultural horizon is small and their real opportunities
are limited, in spite of a theoretically nearly unlimited field of opportunities
to "make it" in the society at large.
The experience of anger, resentment, frustration, discrimination or a wounded
sense of justice, is so widespread, that we are all familiar with these feelings;
even those, who have experienced a smooth acceptance into the world of "the
establishment". The nature of the human being is such, that, regardless,
how privileged one is, or, how close to the source of power one has come,
one will always experience the fact, that someone is afraid, and, it is natural
to see the mechanisms of envy and fear trying to block the rise of an individual
by favouring a competitor, or, by favouring someone, who is willing to be
a docile and loyal follower.
The practice of favouritism may involve the dispensation of official duties
within society. A bureaucrat has been given a position of power on the clear
understanding, that he or she should administer and distribute the serivces
of the State even-handedly amongst the people. If one violates these self-evident
guidelines, a condition of corruption occurs.
In corruption, favouritism is often dispensed in exchange for monies, and
the subject of favouritism is, then, not the product of hard-won earnings
or a natural leadership position, but, the abuse of an entrusted public position
or function. Any entrusted legacy, be it from an individual or a group, may
be abused by the corrupt and illegal "sale" of this legacy to the highest
bidder, and, this is a direct violation of the intentions and instructions
given to the agency or people who handle this legacy. This is corruption,
fraud, theft, abuse of a privileged position or privileged information, and,
the ramifications are endless. Yet, in many societies, throughout history,
these practices were so common, that the disastrous nature of these attitudes
and practices was not recognised, until the consequences of corrupt practices
had become widespread.
Even, now, we hardly recognise the many subtle forms of corruption and injustice
we all practice. Often, we honestly interpret a slightly corrupt or unjust
practice as "normal" human behaviour, without realising the potential for
harm to the people, and society as a whole, if these slightly amoral practices
are allowed to dominate the attitudes of everyone.
The definition of justice, as well as the practices of just behaviour, are
so ill-defined, and, the affront to our sense of justice, is, therefore,
so widespread, that we have hardly begun to recognise all the instances of
injustice and corruption, and, we see, therefore, that the practice or situation
of injustice merges imperceptibly with conditions that are genuinely considered
normal, or, even, desirable.
......
Chapter 7
Content
We have a lot to learn.
Mechanisms associated with a wounded sense of justice.
A few curious examples.
Jealousy and envy; pre-judged attitudes and activities.
Deception and contempt.
The mechanisms of "treachery"; an abuse of trust.
Treachery, seen as a revenge.
The potential to understand human motivations.
The hidden fight; fighting from a position of weakness.
Sibling rivalry.
The difficulties associated with accepting failure.
A summary of basic emotional mechanisms.
Guidelines for "acting-out" a conflict.
A look at sports and games.
The importance of precise, open and scrupulously impartial rules.
The "win", seen as a reflection of skills, as well as an object of admiration.
The game, compared with the game of living in society.
The conflict, seen as a "game that went wrong".
The decay of guidelines, and its effects upon social behaviour-patterns.
The blurring between right and wrong.
Society; a brittle shell without strength or resilience.
When open hositlities and armed conflict are just around the corner.
We have a lot to learn. Let us consider a few other mechanisms, where the
sense of justice can be injured. Undoubtedly, one of the largest groups we
have just discussed, but, there is, for example, this rather curious situation,
where the sense of justice is increasingly irritated, while the actual
circumstances for the individual or group may not be deteriorating at all,
but, may, actually, be improving. We are thinking about the situation, where
a previously exploited and enslaved community is in the process of liberating
itself. The rapidly rising level of awareness and education amongst the more
perceptive and impatient members, creates an ever greater awareness of the
indignity and injustice under which the people have existed for so long.
The expectations about improvements, as well as the judgements about the
level of affront against the sense of justice, are rising faster, than the
rate of actual improvements, and, as a result, the tensions rise, rather
than diminish, in spite of the fact, that conditions and circumstances are
getting better.
A somewhat similar situation exists, when we look at a generation that has
been enslaved by a conqueror. They have been spared their lives, and, these
people feel a sense of gratitude towards their "masters", but their children,
born in bondage, can only see the unfortunate accident of their birth in
comparison to the children born to their masters. Inevitably, attitudes of
deep resentment develop, together with a wounded sense of justice, in spite
of the fact, that these children may be much better of than their
parents.
We should have a look at the mechanisms of jealousy or envy, because they
are, often, closely associated with a wounded sense of justice. Jealousy
and envy are negative attitudes and behaviour-patterns; at least, they have
been judged negatively by observers in the social environment, and, these
attitudes can easily cause a situation of injustice for those who become
the target of such attitudes. These behaviour-patterns are often associated
with deception and contempt. (Deception is the hidden fight of a weaker member
against a more powerful opponent, when open hostility is impractical and
would only lead to disaster).
Great damage and harm can be done, when leading an individual or a community
astray by an act of deception, which deliberately falsifies the reality
perceptions of such an individual or group. This deliberately induced error
of perception and evaluation may lead to a logical behavioural sequence that
ends in disaster, often, to the glee and satisfaction of the deceiving
individual.
This type of abuse of the function of trust is deeply resented by the victim,
and it provokes a deeper feeling of hostility and hatred for such treacherous
behaviour than an open act of rebellion or hostility. Again, we see, here,
that an agreement has been broken. This is the tacit agreement, or assumption,
that communications should be as truthful as possible.
The motivation for perpetrating an act of treachery and deceit is, often,
based on some sort of revenge, and, it becomes, then, a reaction to the wounding
of a sense of justice. We see, therefore, long and complex behavioural sequences
at work, in which the sense of justice, as well as varying injuries or
infringements upon these emotional evaluations, play a major role. However,
if we analyse human behaviour carefully, and, if we make sure, that we grasp
accurately, at least, the main motivating factors, human behaviour becomes
a great deal more understandable and predictable than our first impressions
would let us believe.
Exploitation, abuse, dominance, and, in particular, a trampling of the sense
of dignity, the abuse of trust, and the taking of an unfair advantage, are
behavioural acts that profoundly shake the sense of togetherness of a community,
and, such acts and attitudes create a deep feeling of frustration and resentment,
because the situation does not allow for a quick and easy counter-attack
or punishment of the perpetrators, and, it is not surprising, therefore,
that an act of treachery is revenged with an equally treacherous or deceitful
act. Here, we find the causes for a series of destabilising, cunning and
treacherous behaviour-patterns. In the words "envy" and "jealousy", we imply,
already, a judgement, because these concepts indicate, that the behaviour
of the individual to whom these descriptions apply, is considered to be wrong.
We have, here, an interesting example, where a behavioural act is named and
judged at the same time.
If we leave the aspect of judgement aside, for a moment, we see, that the
emotions or behavioural complexes we label as envy or jealousy, are generated
as a reaction to some sort of a perceived injustice. The envious person or
child behaves in such a way, because he or she feels, intuitively, and, often,
quite accurately, that someone else, a sibling or close relative, a friend,
or someone else in the small community, has received a measure of recognition
or success that is not deserved, or, that it is the result of an erroneous
and biased judgement of the social environment. The reaction of jealousy
and envy indicates, therefore, that the individual has not accepted the social
judgement and the accompanying change in social status. Obviously, this reward,
whatever it may be, has been highly valued by the person who is jealous,
and, often, a great investment of effort and hard work has been made to obtain
the rewards that have gone to someone else.
The acceptance of failure is difficult, and, the feeling of resentment and
anger, disappointment and envy, may not be associated with a clear and rational
ability to explain or describe, precisely, why the judgement is felt to be
unfair, superficial or biased. The intensity of the emotional reactions prevents
an individual from analysing and perceiving the reasons, why he or she feels
this way, but, later, after a feeling of exhaustion and relaxation has set-in,
when the emotions have been vented in tears or wild accusations, then, it
is often possible to argue sensibly and convincingly about the reasons and
background of such a reaction, and, many people will be able to agree, that
the feelings of disappointment and frustration were, at least, to some extent,
justified.
Perhaps, we can summarise these somewhat confusing conceptual relationships as follows; in the primitive biological struggle for survival, the competitive effort is totally without guidelines or agreements. Therefore, primitive combat is not guided by any rules of conduct. The winner takes all, and, it is, therefore, not possible for the loser, (who usually loses his life anyway), to feel cheated, robbed, unfairly treated or wounded in his sense of justice. In human conflict or combat situations, we see, at least, in the most primitive and savage forms of confrontation, also, a remarkable absence of any rules of conduct; at least, the loser, if captured, does not even expect to live. The conflict is "all-out", mobilising all the possible energies, and, this leads, most often, to this primitive but effective solution of an unbridled conflict-situation; the survival of the strongest.
However, in every situation, where there is, at least, some social integration,
conflicts, as well as other mechanisms that dissipate the energies of
confrontation, have developed certain rules or guidelines in which the conflict
and its solution are to be "acted-out". This may range from a modern Court-room
battle, (either, as a criminal prosecution, or, a civil law-suit), to a variety
of imposed settlements or controled and ritualistic fights. In every case,
the conflict becomes clothed with a set of guidelines to which the participants
are expected to adhere.
In the voluntary games of sport's and athletic contests, we see, most clearly,
how a carefully constructed and completely transparent set of rules and
guidelines allows competitive drives and pressures to unfold themselves in
a framework of friendliness and mutual respect, because the outcome of the
game does not, nor should it, have any lasting existential significance;
as long as the competitive act is carried-out in strict accordance with relevant
rules and regulations; a condition, every competitor or spectator can and
does verify for himself, even, if he or she does so, mainly
subconsciously.
It becomes, then, possible for everyone to accept the victory of the winner
as proof of superior skills, and, the win can be acknowledged and admired,
usually without too large a feeling of disappointment or resentment. Any
suspicion, however, that victory has been obtained by a circumvention of
the rules, will cause, immediately, a wave of protest and a feeling of anger
and resentment. An agreement has been broken; trust has been abused, and
the sense of justification for the victory of the winner has been
shattered.
While competing voluntarily in a game is, primarily, an enjoyable test of
skills, with an emphasis on a fair victory according to the rules, we can
see in most conflict-situations of "real life" a mixture of existential factors.
On the one hand, there is a far stronger emotional involvement, since the
conflict is not based upon a voluntary agreement to test a certain skill,
but reflects a conflict of interests that arises from the need to exist.
Nevertheless, in a social entity, the parties recognise, at least,
subconsciously, that an all-out fight to the death would be
inappropriate.
The conflict often stems from the feeling, that one of the parties has gained
an unfair advantage, and, that it has violated the many tacit and explicit
rules and guidelines that are functioning in society. The conflict is, therefore,
in essence, based upon a "game that went wrong", and, the solution is
arbitration; not a fight to the death, unless the mechanisms to impose justice
and arbitration have already crumbled. Then, conflict situations between
individuals or groupings within a social environment deteriorate rapidly
towards a primitive, all-out fight for power and control. The sense of justice,
then, fades into the background, as the framework of rules and regulations
has also been pushed into the background.
Let us see what happens, if a large and complex society starts to lose the
clarity of its behavioural guidelines; this structure of rules and regulations
upon which social cohesion has been based, and, which allows the mutual relations
of trust and good-will to flourish. Obviously, the distinction between what
is right and wrong becomes fuzzy. The people become confused about what they
can or can not do. The whole concept of what is criminal and what is not,
fades into a bewildering uncertainty, where the nagging feeling may arise,
that those, who are considered criminals, are merely people who have opposed
the arbitrary powers of those who are excercising power, and, that more criminal
elements are outside the prison walls than within.
If such cynical attitudes reflect a widespread perception of the realities
of life amongst the ordinary people, then, society has already deteriorated
into a fragile and brittle shell, without any strength or resilience. It
has become a structure, held together, only, by the massive momentum of economic
inter-wovenness, and, it will completely collapse and disintegrate, as soon
as it experiences significant external pressures or internal violence.
Existential anxieties increase sharply, as soon as mutual trust disappears.
A blatant egocentric orientation becomes the only meaningful attitude, and,
the processes of social decay are accelerating, as internal tensions mount
rapidly. Confidence in the fairness and competence of the leadership and
its governing institutions are quickly fading; corruption spreads rapidly
and openly; armed conflicts, political assassinations, brutality and torture
are just around the corner, and may become widely used, as soon as the society
has become a battlefield for insurmountable tensions and warring
factions.
.......
Chapter 8
Content
Justice can not exist without a social structure.
Trust, and the ability to communicate.
The inertia of social mechanisms, including the "economic momentum".
Rising tensions, enslavement, and a helpless and hopeless outlook.
The soothing effect of dreaming about pleasures and money.
The use of sense-dulling drugs in a decaying society.
Corruption, misery, violence and exploitation.
A bursting bubble of lethargy.
Surrender.
The shifting balance of power.
A gloomy picture, and the anger or anxiety it may provoke.
A series of questions.
Questioning the beliefs of the Christian Faith.
An invitation to consider the concepts and imagery of natural evolution.
The limited benefits of a religious belief structure.
Justice can not exist without a social structure, and, it vanishes as soon
as social guidelines crumble. We have outlined, before, how closely the process
of justice is linked to the existence of agreements. Even the experience
of a wounded sense of justice disappears, as people resign themselves to
the inevitability of war. Then, there is no other solution besides all-out
conflict, since the mechanisms of trust and arbitration have disappeared,
and, with the disappearance of mutual trust, we also lose the ability to
communicate and understand each other.
How can I understand you, if I do not trust what you say? I am not sure what
you mean, and, I am only concerned with safeguarding myself against deceit
or attack. At the same time, I am constantly searching for a weakness, an
opening, an opportunity to attack you, whenever I get a chance. How can we
communicate or understand each other in such an atmosphere of distrust?
It is remarkable, how far social decay can progress, with an almost total
disappearance of moral and behavioural guidelines, and yet, externally, the
social structure still exists. The nation is still intact. There are enormous
tensions, and distrust has become the norm. Public taste and opinion reflect
an indifference to the attitudes of corruption and egocentricity, and, there
is a widespread pre-occupation with sensual pleasures and the gathering of
money. The concepts of right and wrong have become blurred. Justice and
punishment for wrong-doings have become empty slogans. Success is measured
in the level of power and wealth one has obtained. How this success was
accomplished becomes irrelevant. Yet, outwardly, the society carries-on.
Its lumbering government institutions carry-on. Its businesses and political
leaderships carry-on. Everyone carries-on, because we have no choice. We
have entangled ourselves, economically or financially, for the next twenty-five
years or so.
I am convinced, that, many of our modern, affluent societies have decayed
and crumbled to a point, which would normally have resulted in a violent
upheaval, a long time ago. However, the relatively widespread affluence and
its entrapments, the financial enslavement of a large part of the population,
the worlds of business and the bureaucracies, they all form some sort of
a "cementing substance" that keeps these societies together, but, not
indefinitely. As inflation or unemployment rise, the burdens of financial
obligations become precarious, or, even, hopeless, and, people may suddenly
give-up the endless search to get money together and go on a rampage.
As long as the dream of egocentric affluence and sensual pleasures continues
to satisfy most of us, we will continue to lumber-on for a few more decades.
However, the crunch will eventually come, because the expectations are still
rising, and, we are rapidly reaching a point, where such a localised affluence
and wasteful life-style, seen from a global perspective, become intolerable
to the lean, vigorous, intelligent and informed peoples of the world, who
have matured in austerity, while we, affluent nations, have decayed in
luxury.
The frustrations and confused attitudes of a restless people, bewildered
by the collapse of their social guidelines, can be soothed, for a long time,
by the dreams of pleasures and the availability of money, or the euphoria
of drugs and other distractions, and, it is not surprising, that we are
witnessing an enormous growth of the illicit traffic of drugs, supplying
huge quantities to many desperate and hopeless people in these decaying,
affluent nations. This trade, with its unstoppable appeal of instant wealth
and an escape from drudgery and anxiety, lures millions upon millions of
people to the use and sale of drugs, exploiting, ruthlessly, the gullible
and vulnerable members, who have become hooked on drugs of one sort or
another.
These people are willing to enslave themselves even further, because their
existence is, in essence, already hopeless and meaningless, and, they might
as well pass the time with a few moments of euphoria and oblivion. Corruption,
misery, violence and exploitation contribute to the disappearance of the
last vestiges of moral strength and human dignity. The opium dens of a corrupt
and stifled Orient of the past, so prevalent only a few decades ago, are
repeated on a gigantic scale in the West. It does not take long to make the
transition from master to slave; a few generations is sufficient.
What happens, when this bubble of lethargy and euphoria bursts? What would happen, if the future poverty of the still affluent nations makes it impossible to afford these drugs? What would happen, if, finally, these generations wake-up, and realise, that everything has been lost? It is likely, that, even, the will and opportunity to fight a Revolution for a better society will have been lost. The confusion and misery, the degeneration and decadence may be so deep, that millions upon millions of people will gladly surrender to an alien power without so much as a whisper of resistance.
"Would that not be a desirable and peaceful solution to the problem of decadence
and corruption?", you may ask. Rather than fight a hopeless struggle, why
not give-in, because in our collective awareness we may already have come
to the conclusion that we deserve to be conquered. However, we may tacitly
assume, that such an alien power will let us continue our existence in euphoria
and oblivion. This may not be the case, unless it is the permament oblivion
of mass-extermination.
While the developing nations are taking a short-cut to power and independence
by adopting all the useful features of Western technology, they must be watching
with a certain glee the increasing pre-occupation of these Western nations
with the demoralising consumption of drugs and all sorts of sensual pleasures.
They know, that, in another generation or two, the West can be taken-over,
without spilling a drop of blood. They know, that, with time, they can just
walk-in and take possession of the lands as well, after they have already
taken control of industries and economic enterprises.
Is this too gloomy a picture? Is this angering you as a reader, or, are you
angered, because your fears have been aroused? Are you angered and upset,
because the prospect has been raised of an ignominious demise of your security?
Are you angered, because you have no defense to cope with the idea, that
such a catastrophe may happen?
If you are, you are in good, or, at least, you are in common company, because,
very rarely, has an affluent society been able to cope or foresee the on-going
destruction of its existential security. It is easier and, probably, far
more practical to reject such ideas or doubts as nonsense, and, to hide or
suppress the fears that have been aroused, momentarily, by such unsettling
thoughts and speculations. Such an attitude would be easier and, indeed,
it would, probably, be the only realistic way of coping with the dreadful
prospect of a disaster that can not be avoided, since the confused thoughts
of our societies do not provide, anymore, a rational and clear answer to
these developments; let alone, to the projected results and potential events
resulting from these trends.
If you are angered by these thoughts, because you think that they only help
to precipitate a crisis as a self-fulfilling prophecy, then, there is a certain
truth in that. It is, indeed, dangerous to bring, more fully, the existing
confusion and level of decay into the focus of our attention, since the level
of frustration and despair will only increase, as we recognise, more clearly,
the uselessness of our euphoric dreams and pleasures.
If you are angered, because you feel, that I have not made a distinction
between the wicked world of the Devil and those, saved by the power of Christ,
then, I tell you, that your beliefs and Faith have had a chance, now, for
almost two milennia, to establish a better world, and, indeed, the Christian
Faith has become an important contributor to our ideas about man and his
existence. It has given us a meaning for suffering, but, the faithful have
also killed and fought in the name of Christ.
You have tortured and executed people in the belief, that you were saved
and served the Will of your all-loving God. If you, believers in Christ,
have not been able to save mankind, but, only a handful of chosen ones, I
strongly advise you to examine and re-examine, very seriously, what you believe
and understand. Do you really understand your Faith? Do you understand
yourselves? Do you really think, that you can ignore the ideas of evolutionary
growth, the force-fields of solar radiation, or the idea of an energy-dissipating
system? Do you really think, that you can continue to cling to the idea of
an all-loving God, Who creates, or, at least, tolerates a mighty Evil Force
in order to tear the souls of human beings apart? Do you really believe,
that it is sensible for an all-loving God to create billions of human beings,
generation after generation, and to continue to condemn by far the majority
of them into an eternal existence of pain, suffering and despair?
Will you, please, consider the possibility, that the unwillingness on your
part to learn, to think, to question and to examine, to open your hearts
for all people, and, not just for a congregation of the faithful; will you,
please, consider the possibility, or, even, the likelyhood, that you and
your fellow believers share a part of the blame for affluence, corruption
and decay? Will you, please, consider the implications of relativistic ideas,
where the concepts of truth, belief and existential needs are linked in a
framework of evolutionary developments, which is solidly based upon observations
that can be verified by each and anyone, who wishes to do so?
We do not want to accuse or to lay blame. We understand, on relativistic
and evolutionary grounds, why belief structures develop, and, why they are
important to people. We know, that these beliefs function, primarily, as
a behavioural tool in our efforts to cope with existential anxieties and
demands. We know, that the structures of all religious beliefs, including
those of Christianity, are primarily a framework for the organisation of
a behavioural stance, and, therefore, a belief benefits the believer, but,
rarely anyone else.
.......
Chapter 9
Content
The pitfalls of a strong belief in an Absolute Truth.
Facile exhortations and a hopeless outlook.
Further questions about the ability to really believe in the religious imagery.
Peace is a conscious pact between people with differing points of view and diverging interests.
Are the wrongs of society to be left to the Will of God?
The temptation to freeze a favourable status-quo.
Recognising the mechanisms of social decay, before we can understand the requirements for social stability.
Learning to understand and acknowledge each other's basic requirements.
Peace on earth is not an impossibility, nor an achievement against great odds.
Peace on earth will soon be a necessity for survival.
The price of peace.
The difficulties for privileged people to give-up their privileges and powers.
A definition of peace.
The price under-privileged people and groups of people have to pay for an atmosphere of genuine peaceful co-existence.
Is the idea of "essential equality for all" only a myth?
A review of the needs and requirements for a successful differentiation or divergence; healthy inter-dependencies.
A look back upon the simple game.
The game of life.
The ability to be a "winner", once in a while, for nearly everyone.
The need for transparent and globally valid rules.
Why is it so difficult for fervent believers to understand the requirements
for a just peace for everyone? They always seem to fall into facile exhortations
of good-will and a feeling of despair at the wickedness of the world. How
is it possible for these religious believers to ignore the fact, that their
particular vision of peace and justice puts them at the center of God's Kingdom,
and discriminates, thereby, against "the others"? How is it possible to really
believe, that they, the fervent religious believers, know the Absolute Truth
and Reality of it all?
Each one of them knows, that no two religions or groups of religious people
can agree amongst themselves about the Will of God, and yet, each one of
them knows, with such absolute certainty, what God wants or has decreed.
It is unbelievable, how ignorant such attitudes are, and, how simple-minded
these reality perceptions appear to those, who do not share these beliefs.
Religious people are usually the last to notice, that their efforts at obtaining
peace are, in essence, an attempt to obtain a "freeze", where a privileged
position becomes sanctified into a divinely ordained status-quo.
Unless we learn to accept, that peace is a condition, where nearly all the
people of a community, (be it the members of a family, a society, or the
member-nations in the community of mankind), agree, honestly, that they can
accept the status-quo as fair, the conditions of justice are not fulfilled,
and, the sense of justice has not been satisfied. Consequently, there will
not be peace.
What kind of peace can be expected from an attitude, where the wrongs of
society are left to the Will or Judgement of God? Do religious people really
think, that the other people in society will quietly accept such a passive
attitude and nebulous answer to the problems of justice? What kind of peace
is it, to freeze the status-quo by claiming it to have been ordained by God,
while the affluent believers continue to gorge themselves in comsumerist
dreams of wealth, sensual pleasures and egocentric concerns? What kind of
a peace is it, that allows the ruthless and the powerful to siphon-off an
ever greater portion of the wealth and earning-powers of a population, while
feeding the people junk-dreams and junk-drugs?
What kind of a peace are we dealing with, if it makes the wealthy wealthier,
and the powerful more powerful? How can we expect the tensions of frustrations
and inequities, injustice and expoitation to be resolved by praying that
the Will of the Lord be done? How can we be so ignorant of the simple truth,
that peace is a pact between people, between groups of people and between
nations, where an attitude of genuine cooperation on the basis of essential
equality and mutual respect is adopted by all the parties involved?
Unless we recognise the mechanisms of social decline and decay, we will not
understand, what it takes to have a truly peaceful state of co-existence.
Unless we learn to recognise and acknowledge, frankly, a position of privilege
whenever we see it or experience it, we will not be able to reach a genuine
understanding with those, who are less privileged. Unless we learn to recognise,
that we all are sensitive to the emotions of anxiety and resentment, we will
not understand peace. If we do not recognise those who are powerful, wealthy
and reactionary as ordinary human beings, anxious about losing their security
and reacting very much like we would under similar circumstances, we will
not understand the requirements of peace.
Peace is not a situation or circumstance, frozen into immobility by the power
of the gun, or the persuasiveness of money. Peace can not be established
by appealing to the egocentricity of us all, nor can it be established by
condemning or exorcising as evil the egocentric traits of human
existence.
Only careful study, a broadly based understanding, as well as a patient analysis
will lay the foundation for equality of existence and dignity for us all,
and, careful and honest study is the only mechanism to provide ourselves
with the basis for a consensus about viable attitudes and a necessary course
of action.
The process of bringing a real and lasting peace to the world is not something
that should be considered as impossible, nor, should it even be considered
as an achievement against enormous odds. It is not an achievement that exists
only in utopian dreams or tired and exhausted minds. Peace on earth, as well
as a general well-being for all of mankind, are objectives that are conceptually
and technically well within reach of the present generations, and, soon,
these objectives will become a necessary condition or achievement upon which
our survival is going to rest.
A seemingly interminable series of conflicts, wars and atrocities should
not lead us to the erroneous conclusion that peace is impossible. We just
have never been able to fathom or understand what the requirements for a
truly peaceful co-existence really were. Even, if we understood, sometimes,
at least, to some extent, the necessary requirements, we were never, really,
willing to pay the price for a true peace. The crux of the difficulty in
reaching peace is the fact, that we all have to pay a high and unpleasant
price.
Those, who are privileged and wealthy, are naturally fearful and anxious
about losing this protective shield of wealth, because of the probability
that they will be reduced to poverty, despair and destruction. Powerful people
never listen to those who have no power, and, they would never consider it
necessary to pay the price of relinquishing this power, together with the
satisfying feelings of security that are associated with the excercise of
power. Yet, this is what essential equality means. Essential equality means,
the acceptance of the need to abolish a privileged position.
How difficult is it for the wealthy to give-up their accustomed luxuries,
and, how difficult is the adjustment to an average, but viable level of
existence! Yet, once the step has been taken, almost always forced by the
circumstances, the people, who were previously wealthy and powerful come
to the conclusion, that they can survive without their wealth, and, that
life is not as bad as they feared.
Similarly, equality means, also, the abolition of a privileged position of
power without wealth. As long as those who carry guns, believe, that they
can ensure peace, equality and justice by the power of their arms, they are
deluding themselves, and, they are only sowing the seeds of resentment, rebellion
and mistrust. Peace is an agreement; an agreement between us all, agreeing,
that we will live and work together within a contract of essential equality.
It is an agreement, that we will work together for the betterment of our
collective existence, as well as the existence of future generations. That
is peace. That is all it is, and, we have to find out, what prevents us from
coming to such an agreement.
We will, often, disagree what equality really means, and, often, we will
be horrified to learn what sort of price we have to pay. We will also have
to learn, that, those, who are in a privileged position, can only agree,
voluntarily, to pay the heavy price of relinquishing their positions of power
and privilege, if they can place a large measure of trust in the justice
of their society and the coming power-structure. You can not expect a privileged
man to give-up, voluntarily, his wealth and security, if he knows, or fears
with some justification, that, after he has done so, he will be discriminated
against and be under-privileged.
It is often difficult for those, who have been abused and exploited for a
long time, to forego the heady feelings of victory and revenge, but, I tell
you; those of you, who are under-privileged, will have to pay a price as
well, if you want to have true peace. If you are only going to replace one
system of inequities with another, or, if you are going to assume a position
of privilege yourself, in stead of those hated enemies, you are not contributing
to a peaceful solution, and, you can not expect those, who are privileged
now, to relinquish, voluntarily and trustfully, their positions and cooperate
with you.
Peace has a high price to exact from us all, if we want to participate in
its benefits, and, the problem is not, that we have absolutely no idea what
is necessary for Peace to flourish, but, that we are not willing to pay its
price. In stead, we opt for a pseudo-peace; the freeze of the status-quo,
and, then, we sit-back, blissfully ignorant of the problems that are still
to come, and, we indulge in a satisfied feeling of accomplishment and self-worth.
For most of us, the concept of peace means, the desire to hold-on to what
we have, and, we must acknowledge, that the idea to give-up, without a struggle,
all those things for which we have often worked so hard, would be a serious
and unacceptable insult to our sense of justice.
Is the idea of essential equality for all human beings, then, only a myth?
Is it an unworkable idea, that is only useful as a starting point in a debate
about life and society? We should not have any difficulties accepting the
basic justification of the point of view, that every child, born to mankind,
should have, at least, an equal opportunity to succeed in the struggle of
life and social success. The inevitable divergence that is going to take
place during the game of life, is a result of the undeniable fact, that we
all react differently. We all have differing talents, different ambitions
and varying degrees of perseverance and good luck, but, let the divergence
of people not be determined by the chances of birth, race, or economic and
educational disparities. Just as in a game, any game, there will be those,
who will do well and those who will do poorly. How are we going to reconcile
these inevitable divergencies with the ideas and concepts that let us structure
a peaceful and harmonious society?
We will find an answer by looking, once again, at the mechanisms of a simple
game. We see an important and somewhat startling result. If we observe, closely,
the reactions and attitudes of the participants, we see, that, in a game,
where every participant adheres scrupulously to the rules, everyone, even,
the losers will have few difficulties accepting the fairness of the results.
The winners, or, those who did better, are not looked upon with envy or mistrust,
but with admiration and a full acknowledgement of their achievements. How
is this possible, while, in society, the divergence of the classes leads,
so quickly, to jealousy, distrust, alienation and hostilities?
The answer is complex, but it is worthwhile to analyse these problems and
questions in detail, in order to see, whether or not we can apply the conclusions
to constructing a framework of rules and regulations, which could guide us
in the game of life throughout the societies of mankind.
The first observation we can make when we look at a truly satisfying game,
where the winner can be freely admired without any insult to the feelings
of justice of those who have lost, is the fact, that the security or social
position of the participants does not really change significantly as a result
of this game. Certainly, a win in a popular game will make the winner an
idol, a model to be emulated, a hero, and, he or she will serve as a powerful
source of inspiration. The accomplishments, then, function as a "behavioural
organiser" for those who admire the winner. The winner will have an aura
of prestige and influence, and, his position in the hierarchy of friends
will be elevated, but, the winner does not have any significant increase
in wealth or power, and, his living standards should not increase to any
significant extent.
Often, the fame or prestige of a winner is short-lived, because there are
numerous games, with many different winners. These many different games will
test and reward differing skills. Nearly every human being has an area of
endeavour or skill in which he or she will do well, better than most of his
or her friends, and, therefore, almost every human being has the ability
to shine or excel in one field or another, and has the chance to be a winner,
at one time or another.
We see, that those, not gifted in athletic or physical skills, do usually
quite well in an artistic or intellectual field, and, vice versa. In the
enormous variety of games and skills that can be tested with transparent
and uniformly applied rules and regulations, every normal and healthy human
being can do reasonably well in one field or another, and, everyone has,
therefore, the potential to feel a sense of satisfaction; of having accomplished
something; of having been an object of admiration and attention, regardless,
how short-lived such an experience may have been.
.......
Chapter 10
Content
A win does not have to lead to feelings of resentment or anger in those who lost.
The winner, seen as a symbol for individualised goal-patterns and behavioural choices.
A review of the conditions for a beneficial structuring of the "game of life".
Maintaining basic security and essential equality.
A review of territorial behaviour-patterns and leadership responsibilities.
Adjustments of the hierarchical order in a small-scale social environment.
Human societies will never be free from tensions or challenges, but adequate and efficient mechanisms should be able to resolve these tensions and challenges in a non-destructive manner.
A review of the enlargement of leadership structures and cultural guidelines.
A review of the current state of social developments.
Efforts to harnass egocentric behaviour-patterns for the good of society, and, efforts to suppress divergence and differentiation by a program of strong ideological indoctrination.
The main point we want to emphasise, here, is the fact, that a divergence
of accomplishments as a result of diverging skills and talents, is not
necessarily a source of resentment, or an insult to the sense of justice,
provided, that all participants in a game or contest can experience and agree
about the fact, that the judgement of excellence and the choice of the winner
have been carried-out entirely within justified rules and a fair application
of guidelines. This type of win or accomplishment carries with its approval
the stamp of justification. Those, who lost, feel, that the winner deserved
to win, and, there is nothing to indicate, that the winner will be a source
of envy, jealousy or tension. On the contrary, the winner, or the individual
who excelled in a particular field, becomes a beacon; an example, a goal
for those, who admire his or her accomplishments.
The conditions for such beneficial and harmonious attitudes are the following;
a complete transparence and a clear understanding of the rules, as well as
a perfect transparence of all the mechanisms of the game, allowing each
participant or spectator to form a definitive judgement, whether or not the
win or reward was justified. Certainly, in many areas of testing skills,
the judgement processes are somewhat vague or subjective, but, there can
be little doubt, that, in all forms of contest, the judgement can be made
to appear fair and impartial, if the organising body pays scrupulous attention
to the many possibilities of an intentional or unintentional bias.
Another important condition is the fact, that the results of the contest
or game do not alter the basic security for any of the participants. The
game is a voluntary participation. A loss only means, that there is another
chance to do better, next time. Or, a loss may be an indication to try to
develop a different skill or capability; one, that is more in line with one's
talents or affinities.
From these observations, it becomes clear, that we do not have to fear the
divergence of skills or personalities, as long as we recognise and understand,
clearly, the conditions and safeguards that are necessary to keep the processes
of divergence within the boundaries of justice and essential equality. We
have seen, that the most basic form of divergence in society is the hierarchical
ordening. We know, that hierarchical positioning is the first major step
in the evolution of individualised behaviour-patterns, allowing the experiment
of social integration to take place. These roots developed long before the
emergence of the species of mankind.
In the mechanisms of hierarchical ordening the territories of a number of
animals fuse, and, the more dominant members of the group assume a claim
towards the entire territory. This trend is most clearly seen in the behaviour
of the overall leader, but, at the same time, the other animals can only
accept this dominance of the leader and his associates, if there are benefits
to compensate for the loss of sovereignty and territory. We have seen, how
these benefits are embodied in the protection given by the leaders to the
rest of the small grouping, and, how the leader's responsibilities include
the defense of the territory, as well as the other members of the social
unit under his jurisdiction.
Since hierarchical positioning takes place by a process of spontaneous
test-fights, the position each member occupies in this hierarchy is a direct
result of a practical experience; each animal classifies the others in roughly
two groupings; those, who can be dominated, and those, who will dominate
this particular individual. The "rules", so to speak, are the invariant rules
of nature, and, acceptance is, merely, a recognition of a balance of powers.
The moment an animal feels, that it can dominate another animal that is placed
higher in the hierarchical order, it will challenge this animal to a test-fight,
and the results will be reflected immediately in the hierarchical order.
In the social units of human beings, similar mechanisms still play a role.
Some people have the ability and the skill to dominate. These capabilities
are, usually, a complex combination of physical skills and strengths,
intellectual abilities, as well as the skill to persuade others and understand
them, psychologically, in an intuitively clever manner. However, even, in
the game of human hierarchical positioning, we see, that, ideally, the "winners",
or, the leaders, occupy their position by virtue of a "natural play", or,
an open contest of these skills and capabilities. In this case, the group
will recognise, intuitively, that it is just for the leader to occupy the
position he does, and, that the position of each human being in the social
hierarchy is just and fair as well, because it is based on the qualities
of personal skills and individual merits. Certainly, changing circumstances
will bring changes in hierarchical relationships through the same mechanisms
of open competition.
A society or group of human beings, determining its hierarchical order through
a mechanism of jockeying for position, is, therefore, never free from challenges
or tensions, but a viable and harmonious society will allow these tensions
to dissipate with a minimum of serious conflicts. This can be done through
fair, open and uniformly administered, but, often, tacit standards or rules
of conduct. These mechanisms may be ritual test-fights and other contests
of skills, such as tests or examinations, which, then, determine the hierarchical
positioning of the people within a specific grouping.
We have outlined, on several occasions, the transitions that have to take
place, whenever the group or society becomes much larger. We have examined
the reasons, why the leadership functions become much more difficult and
complex, and, how the leadership becomes a multi-individual institution with
an "out-going" or executive arm, as well as an information-gathering or "in-put"
arm. We have seen, why the processes of hierarchical ordening break-down
in the larger societies, and, why they have to be replaced by the principles
of a social contract of essential equality. We have discussed the severe
limitations placed upon the mechanisms of mutual recognition and familiarity
with each other's behaviour, which also pose a strain on the mechanisms of
social cohesion. We have discussed, how cultural traits, such as speech and
other, specific characteristics of behaviour start to serve, then, as aids
in this process of mutual identification, and, we have seen, how "cultural
identity" becomes the mechanism, par excellence, for the cohesion of the
larger grouping.
We have discussed the gradual emergence of guidelines and "behavioural
organisers", which are, at least, initially, primarily tacit and sub-conscious
principles of conduct, which have been inter-woven with the structures of
belief and the perception of reality. These guidelines function, then, as
mores, customs, shared attitudes, etc. Later, the pressures of increasing
social complexity and the need for an explicit formulation of guidelines,
led to a system of verbal abstractions, or "laws", and a formalisation of
the processes of settling disputes; the judiciary and its many
institutions.
However, the emergence of larger societies also created other problems, such as corruption and class-divisions, internal exploitation of one group by another, the fading of relevance of guidance-patterns and beliefs, ever-changing social circumstances and environmental conditions, as well as changing contacts between large societies with their conflicts of interest and the tensions of suspicion and deceit.
We are still grappling with these problems, because we face, now, a need
to formulate explicit guidelines for communal inter-actions on a global scale.
Finally, we have reached the stage, where we have learned to accept, at least,
to some extent, the need for a sphere of global concern, and, we have learned
to formulate some principles of justice that may be applicable on a world-wide
scale.
The problems of social divergence, the seemingly inevitable development of
mutually hostile groupings in a large social conglomerate, the irrepressible
tendency of man to exploit or deceive each other, the difficulties of finding
a common ground for beliefs and judgements, all these aspects make it clear,
that we are still far from understanding, let alone agreeing, what a stable
and viable structure of social guidelines looks like, and, what it needs
to remain stable and viable.
Some of us have tried to harnass man's competitive instincts for the good
of society, while others have tried to eradicate the processes that lead
to mutual alienation; by suppressing class-divergence and individual variability.
Both efforts have shown a measure of success, but, both approaches have also
shown severe limitations, because it has become clear, that the theoretical
and ideological foundations for these social experiments lack a truly
comprehensive understanding of the nature of man and the structure of his
personality.
Nowhere, do we get a clearer and more coherent picture about man, together
with the reasons for his behaviour, than in the imagery of natural evolution.
Let us look, again, at the game, and, let us see, whether or not we can use
the game as a model to design a structure of rules and guidelines that is
able to ensure a harmonious and viable way for people to live together in
large and complex, globally interwoven societies. There are many factors
we will have to take into account. One obvious difference between the game
of life in society, and any other game, is the fact, that the human being
is born into a society and has no option to withdraw from the game of life,
even, if an individual transfers, voluntarily or involuntarily, to another
social environment. One still has to participate in the business of making
a living.
.......
Chapter 11
Content
Outlets for rising social tensions.
Territorial and economic expansion; factors, that have fallen-away as useful outlets for frustrations and tensions.
Why social environments have a tendency to crumble.
The many short-comings of Capitalist and Communist systems.
An emphasis upon the mechanisms of differentiation and mutual inter-dependence.
The blessings of truly gifted and inspiring leadership.
The unbreakable links between privilege and responsibility.
The spoils of a victory, seen, as a gift from society.
Further comparisons between living in a social environment and the playing of games.
How to counter-act the dangers of a reactionary egocentricity.
A further elaboration of the principles of mutual inter-dependence in a position of essential equality.
The convergence of altruistic and egocentric motivations.
The need for mechanisms of control.
During the early stages of social evolution, a natural possibility existed
to pick-up and leave, and, to start a new social nucleus, whenever some members
felt, that the disadvantages of belonging to society outweighed the advantages.
Eventually, the available territories were taken-up with the settlements
of many small, nomadic groupings, because these early societies required
a fairly large territory to sustain themselves, and, we have discussed, how
an increase in size tended to de-stabilise the natural social grouping because
of the tendency to develop an unoverseeable complexity. The pressures to
live closely together in ever larger groupings were forever increasing, because
unoccupied, inhabitable territory was rapidly disappearing. When this happened,
there was no opportunity for a group of people to break-away from the main
body of society and start a new life on their own, unless they were prepared
to conquer these territories from inhabitants that were already there.
The success of the recent North-American colonisation by Europeans settlers
was largely due to the fact, that a dissatisfied individual or group of people
could, indeed, move-away from the European homelands and settle into the
territories of the native North-American peoples, because the white settlers
had a far superior weaponry. This, together with the fact, that, ever more
rapid economic growth provided a cushion against rising dissatisfactions
and resentment, were the two main factors explaining, why such a remarkably
unstructured society grew rapidly into a powerful nation.
Yet, these two factors have fallen-away. Territorial expansion has come to
and end; colonial and neo-colonial exploitation have also come to an end,
and, we are, finally, realising, that the dream of ever increasing economic
growth as a panacea for all social ills, has become a dangerous illusion.
No wonder, the tensions are rising dramatically, and, it is not surprising,
that the North-American society is bewildered, confused and chaotic, since
it never developed a social structure that was capable of containing all
these diverse groupings and trends, without the outlet of territorial or
economic expansion.
The fervor of nationalism or patriotism as a means of increasing social cohesion
on a large scale, has also worn thin, as more and more people begin to ask
themselves, what their society has to offer besides a deplorable spectacle
of big-business advertising and shallow, consumerist philosophies. The myth
that competitive, egocentric divergence can be harnassed for the benefit
of the entire society, still lingers-on, but its credibility is being challenged,
continuously.
The game shows, clearly, two features; first of all, the win and its price
have to be obtained with fair rules and transparent methods, which are
scrupulously equal for everyone who is participating, and, secondly, the
results should not have a lasting existential significance. In both aspects,
we see the Capitalist philosophy falter completely. The rules and regulations
that allow the individual to gain the reward of capital assets are increasingly
obscure, vague and variable, blurring the distinction between legitimate
and illegitimate means, and, the results of economic success have an enormous
and permanent consequence for the existential circumstances of the individual,
or, even, an entire class of people.
Not only, is the reward of Capitalist success kept for life, but, it is often
transmitted to the offspring of rich and successful people, giving them an
unfair head-start and a significant advantage over others. Besides, the power
of capital makes it easier and easier to amass further capital and property,
leading, quickly, to a marked disparity in living standards and
life-styles.
The laws of a Capitalist society, rewarding the spoils of capital in perpetuity
to an individual, his family, or the company that looks after his special
interests, tend to destroy the principles for an essential equality in
opportunity for all youngsters, which, as we have seen, were the basic solution
to avoid the need for disruptive hierarchical "corrections". The legalisation
of the possession of wealth and power makes the challenge to such a position
of privilege extremely difficult, and, the legalisation of a status of wealth
and privilege immobilises the status-quo into a social pressure-cooker of
frustration and resentment. As we mentioned, the only factors that slowed-down
such an explosive rise in resentment and feelings of injustice, were the
possibilities for territorial expansion and economic growth, because these
mechanisms allowed those, who lost-out, initially, to seek their fortunes
elsewhere.
On the other hand, the Communist ideology was, and still is, heavily flavoured
with revolutionary objectives and strident goal-patterns. Socialism, and,
in particular, its dogmatic form, Communism, is, in essence, a philosophy
of strife, and not of peace. Therefore, after it has been able to galvanise
the people for a Cause, which is, usually, quite just, this ideology is
successful and meaningful during the period of the struggle, but it falters
and fades, significantly, after the struggle has been won.
Communism has not yet come to grips with the reality of human divergence
and social stratification, after the war of the classes has been won. This
attempt to hide or negate the reality of the divergence of people and the
emergence of differing opinions, qualities and ambitions, leads, always,
to attitudes of resentment and pressures for change, because people sense,
quickly, when an ideology has become shallow and dishonest. Communism has
still not acknowledged the fact, that it is futile to try to suppress honest
dissent.
The failure of the non-democratic form of Socialism, Communism, to deal
effectively with the realities of the human personality, including the divergence
of individual capabilities, gives rise to severe tensions. These tensions
are being soothed by the same remedy as the tensions within the Capitalist
societies; nl., an ever-rising level of expectation and consumption by a
majority of the people. Needless to say, that these solutions are
pseudo-solutions, only delaying the inevitable crisis of social dissent.
The practice and ideology of Strict Socialism always becomes secretive,
oppressive and dishonest, whenever the ruling Party is put under severe pressures
for which it has no immediate answers.
The answer to solving or, rather preventing these problems, lies in a clear
understanding and acknowledgement of the fact, that, individual divergence
can be acceptable, and, that it can even be appreciated by everyone, if the
rewards are seen to be won fairly and openly, and, if the basic security
of other "players" in society is not disrupted by the winners and their
rewards.
Therefore, those individuals, who have leadership qualities, should and will,
inevitably, occupy positions of power and privilege, but, if the degree of
privilege and power remains clearly visible and scrutinisable, the rest of
society will feel, that such a position is, not only, justified, but, people
will look with hope and expectation to these gifted and inspiring individuals,
in the reasonable expectation, that such leaders will truly lead the people
and their societies onto a path of mutual benefit and social harmony.
The moment a leader starts to hide his privileges, there will be mistrust, and, the temptation is always there for these privileged leaders to use their position of power to further their own existential concerns. The burdens of responsibility are so easily shirked, whenever they can be hidden behind a shroud of secrecy.
No game can be played successfully, if the rules and the results are becoming
clouded in secrecy. Transparence is the crux of the sense of justice, and,
a position of leadership is, invariably, linked to the burden of responsibility.
The moment this burden is relinquished in an attempt to hold-on to the trappings
of a privileged position, we see the beginnings of corruption, social decay,
injustice and rising tensions.
This link between privilege and responsibility is also reflected in the game.
It is certainly true, that the winner is justifiably recognised for a fair
win, and, that this win reflects his personal efforts and capabilities, but,
let us not forget, that, it is the society of friends which has made this
game possible. It is the willingness of other competitors to put-in their
best efforts, which made it possible for the winner to excel. Similarly,
the regulations and judgements of the game are functions carried-out and
made possible by the cooperation of many people. We may, therefore, state,
that the spoils of the win, the prestige and acclaim that come with the
recognition and acknowledgement of a victory, are as much a gift of society
to the winner, as it is a deserved reward for the efforts of the winner.
(We do not even consider, here, the fact, that most winners in a game of
sports or artistic competition, have received very extensive support and
help from their social environment in order to make their achievements
possible).
Similarly, the win of a financial award in the Capitalist society, is as
much a gift from society, as it is a recognition and result of the efforts
of individual enterprise. The gift of security by society continues to safeguard
the spoils for the winner, because the winner is given the protection of
the laws of society, which all people are expected to recognise and obey,
regardless, how large the discrepancies between the wealthy and the poor
have become.
Besides, the spoils of Capitalist success are, often, the acquisition of
property, land, as well as the fruits of other people's labours, and, we
have to question, seriously, to what extent an individual can claim as his
property, the essentially communal resources of a society, or, the labours
of its people. Yet, in our egocentric drive for success and security, we
forget, all too often, the fact, that our property and wealth is an accumulation
of goods and services provided by other people.
In a way, the winner of the Capitalist game has collected all the prizes
and contributions that the competitors in the game of life brought to the
scene of the game. Capitalist success is only in part the result of individual
skills; it is as much the result of a clever use of the laws and rules of
society, which led to a flow of capital into the hands of a few clever
entrepreneurs. It is clear, that such developments are quickly destructive
to the mechanisms of social harmony, in particular, when the flow of money-energy
available for dissipation, has become stagnant or insufficient, meaning,
that some people have become excessively wealthy, while others could not
even scrape the bare essentials together.
How can we counter-act the tendency towards reactionary egocentricity, if
we allow the members of society to differentiate on the basis of individual
skills and merits? We hope to make it clear, that the process of individual
differentiation, in particular, in the form of complementary functions and
inter-dependencies, is, not only, inevitable, but, it is one of the most
powerful ways to establish harmony. The suppression of individual differentiation
aggravates the tendency to competitive strife, just as a community of single
cells remains fiercely competitive in its relations with each other, as long
as there is no development towards differentiation and mutual
inter-dependence.
The need for equality of existence, as well as a harmonious way of life for
all human beings, are not helped by a uniform development of everybody, nor,
by an attempt to indoctrinate people. The disruptive forces of egocentric
orientation and competitive strife are not suppressed by enforcing a marked
degree of uniformity in individual existence. As a matter of fact, similarity
in existence and outlook only foster competitive strife, since we do not
rely upon each other, and, we are not inter-dependent upon each other, as
we would be, if we could differentiate into complementary modes of
existence.
If I develop my talents or interests, and, if you develop yours, I can perform
for you whatever you require in my field of expertise, and, you can do for
me whatever function or skill happens to be your particular forte. In such
a relationship of inter-dependence, I need you and you need me, and, it is
in each individual's interest to ensure the well-being of the other. It is
in my egocentric interest to make sure, that you, not only, continue to exist,
but, that you exist well enough to be able to carry-out the functions which
I, and others, need and rely upon.
Here, we see a remarkable convergence of egocentric and altruistic interests.
In this remarkable phenomenon of mutual inter-dependence of the cells of
a multi-cellular organism, we see, how this inter-dependence has progressed
to the point, that the death of a small segment of this multi-cellular community,
(e.g., the cells of the heart-muscle or the kidneys), lead to the demise
of all cells. Similarly, a human society, where each individual or sub-grouping
is performing a vital function for the society as a whole, will show the
most dramatic form of harmony and efficiency, as we can see in many small,
tightly organised expeditions or special task-forces.
In the multi-cellular organism, we see complex and stringent control mechanisms
at work, in order to ensure the cooperation of the individual cellular
communities, and, similarily, in a human society, a stringent control is
necessary to ensure, that the individual sub-groupings function in a way
that reflects the needs of everyone within this social environment.
.......
Chapter 12
Content
The dangers of an escape from control mechanisms.
The Constitutional Code.
A review of the requirements of justice and Constitutional control.
Avoiding local "hot spots" of power.
The need to excercise the faculty of conscious awareness.
The need to teach the importance of each individual's efforts and contributions.
Existential anxieties remain always close to the surface.
Collective leadership and Parliamentary Assemblies.
Contributions to society have to be organised according to the natural phases of an individual's life-span.
Strikes against society.
A few questions about privacy.
Various forms of privacy.
The right to know, and the obligation to inform.
As soon as some individuals, or small groups of people, escape from an effective
social control, they start to function only for their own benefit, and, they
will exploit the labours of others, if they get a chance to do so. The
multi-cellular community has the advantage, that its control mechanisms have
been shaped by evolutionary or naturally selective mechanisms, and these
controls have been encoded into the nearly immutable genetic instructions
that are present in each and every cell of this community. In contrast, the
social guidelines are not genetically encoded, but, they have been shaped,
tested and transmitted by the cultural code of society, and, we have outlined,
on various occasions, how fragile and transient this cultural code really
is.
Yet, if we understand, better, the importance of this cultural code, and,
if we are better informed about the basic functions of these cultural guidelines,
we have an opportunity to duplicate, at least, to some extent, the more durable
genetic methods of encoding. This can be done by formulating and recording
a precise and detailed cultural code; by writing a Constitutional Code that
is safeguarded from rapid and whimsical changes. We can do this by encoding
a carefully regulated procedure for changing, gradually, the Constitutional
Code.
We have discussed all these aspects before, and, we are only reminding ourselves
about the importance of the Constitutional Code, if we want to satisfy the
conditions of peace and justice on a very large social scale. We need a
comprehensive Constitutional Code with global relevance, if we reallly want
peace and harmony, and not just the maintenance of an advantageous
status-quo.
The Constitutional Guidelines of a society have to ensure, therefore, that
the development of talent and individual differentiation takes place within
a framework promoting mutual inter-dependence, and, we have to make sure,
that these guidelines are able to avoid a slide into a parasitic form of
dominance by one group or another. The moment one segment of the mutually
inter-dependent society has more power, is given more power, or, is allowed
to accumulate and consolidate this power, such a group will, inevitably,
assume an elitist and parasitic role, where the achievements and efforts
of others are being exploited.
It is so important, therefore, to make sure, that, in any relationship of
inter-dependence, the balance of power is maintained with scrupulous precision.
One group should not be more dependent upon others, than others depend on
it. The level of reliance upon each other should be slowly and equally advanced,
always on guard to avoid imbalances, and, ready to correct local "hot-spots"
of power, because of the increasingly egocentric orientation that flows from
such a localised excercise of power.
The Constitutional Guidelines should ensure, that the basic existential
requirements of all members are fulfilled in equal measure, and, they ensure,
that, nowhere, an individual or group has to struggle for survival in competition
with another group. Each individual or group should be taught, however, to
recognise the obligation to contribute to the needs of society according
to its capabilities, talents and opportunities, in return for the services
and support it receives from other groups in society.
The Constitution of the future will guarantee each socially integrated member
the possibility to develop talents, interests or knowledge according to one's
capabilities and inclinations, yet, the Constitution will also require, that
each member is aware, and remains aware, of the fact, that society is, in
essence, a mutually inter-dependent structure.
It is very easy for a single member or a small group to forget, that the
vast and often enormous powers and resources of a large society are there,
only, because of the contributions made by countless others; members, just
like oneself, apparently insignificant and seemingly powerless in isolation.
Nevertheless, all functions and capabilities of society, all the regulatory
structures, behavioural guidelines, social, academic, artistic and leadership
institutions with their myriad of functions and services, all these benefits
and rights are based upon the contributions made by ordinary members of
society.
These people live, or have lived in the past, in a social context, just like
you and I. Perhaps, some lived a long time ago, perhaps, somewhere, in a,
for us, nebulous past, or, they belonged to a strange and nearly forgotten
civilisation, but, in essence, all the accomplishments and features of society
are a result of prolonged and tenacious efforts made by many people, working
and living together in search of social harmony, as well as the possibilities
for a tolerant and just existence.
It is difficult for a youngster, who is trying to absorb the vast quantities
of information, happenings and events that are thrown at him or her every
day at school, to realise, that, without the contributions of people like
oneself, society would not be there. Nothing would be there. Human life,
as we know and experience it, would not be there. Regardless, how insignificant
the efforts of one single individual appear to be, we should never forget,
that all achievements and contributions were made by ordinary people, either,
individually, or, by a small, dedicated group.
It is so easy to become fearful and anxious, whenever we experience the
relentless pressures of change and innovation. We tend to forget, that, usually,
society does not age as quickly as we do. While we are becoming increasingly
set in our ways, we can not avoid a slight feeling of mistrust and regret,
if we see new developments take place that are alien to our comfortable routine.
New ideas, new experiments with a variety of social functions, new forms
of expression, the mistakes, inexperience and reckless boldness of the younger
generations, all these factors and events may appear frightening and tiring
to us, and, it is easy to feel apprehensive, conservative and reactionary,
as we are getting older and lose some of our flexibility.
These factors are the reason, why we have to rely increasingly upon the wisdom
of Constitutional Guidelines, as well as the efforts of the elected, collective
leadership of a Parliamentary Assembly or Council of Regents, rather than
the intuitive wisdom and conservatism of individually respected and experienced
leaders. We have outlined, before, how we visualise the wisdom and experience
of old-age to have a voice in an advisory capacity, such as a Senate, but
the stress and rigours of active decision-making belong to this period of
our individual life-span, where we are experienced, yet vigorous and flexible,
so that we can manage the overwhelming complexities of the social reality
experiences.
The Constitution will teach us, how the circumstances of our own existence,
our education, the development of our talents and interests, are gifts and
opportunities our society has made possible. We may enjoy the fruits of our
talents and labours; we may enjoy the experience of being healthy, alive
and well-informed, but, we may never forget, that the prizes we receive in
the games of life have been given to us for the purpose of contributing to
society.
Just as we are hardly aware of the numerous social functions we rely upon
in order to maintain our existence and live in health and comfort, so will
it be difficult for us to appreciate the significance of our own contributions.
Let us accept, in gratitude, that, indeed, these contributions flow in a
complex exchange-pattern as anonymous gifts to each one of us. We do not
know, who looks after the flow of electricity or water as it comes to our
homes. We do not really know, who makes it possible to go to the store and
buy our food and clothes, or the fuel for our cars. The inter-dependencies
we rely upon are already complex, and, we are painfully reminded about their
importance, if one or other grouping deliberately withholds a vital function
to the rest of society in an irresponsible act of egocentric
pressure-tactics.
Our future Constitutions will make it, not only, unnecessary, or, even,
impossible to take such hostile actions against the social environment, but,
the Constitution of the future will teach us, also, the criminality of such
acts and attitudes. It will show us, how we rely upon each other's contributions
to society in an act of trust, but, it will also teach us to take notice
of, and look with concern at, the position and function of each individual
and grouping within society.
At the present time, we do not have the machinery, nor the insights, to make
it desirable, and possible, to monitor the status-quo of each and every member
or organisation in society. If such would be possible, it would not be necessary
to band-together in anger and use the weapons of harm in order to draw attention
to our alleged situations of injustice. Our Constitution will then provide
the ideas, as well as the mechanisms, to monitor, closely and constantly,
the existential requirements and circumstances of each individual and
sub-grouping.
"What about privacy", you ask? Well, what about it? What is privacy? Privacy
is a vague and poorly delineated notion, that an individual in society has
the right to keep certain facts about his life a secret from others. Few
people will argue with the idea, that an individual needs to have a place
where one can relax and perform certain physiological functions in a measure
of solitude. No-one will dispute the fact, that one needs to be alone with
oneself, once in a while, digesting one's thoughts and experiences, and,
that one has to have periods, where one is undisturbed, in order to do whatever
one pleases, as long as these activities do not interfere, in any way, with
the rights of other people. If that is your idea of privacy, then, I agree
wholeheartedly with you.
However, if you understand under privacy the right to keep secret your financial
income, the source or magnitude of this income, the extent of your assets,
possessions or debts, your opinions about society, certain individuals or
institutions, your contacts with other people, or, your plans and activities,
in particular, if they involve the rights and concerns of others, then, I
have to disagree with you. Just as you have the right to know what is happening
within society, what your leaders are planning or doing, what your neighbours
are up to, so has your country, your neighbour and your leadership the right
to know, who you are, what you are doing, how you make a living, what your
source of income is, and also, whom you know, whom your friends and acquaintances
are, and what your attitudes and activities entail, especially, in so far
as they concern the well-being of others.
Would you not agree with the statement, that you can only place a certain
amount of trust and confidence in your society, if you could verify, at all
times, that everyone is "playing by the rules"; that there is no cheating,
corruption or nepotism, and, that your neighbour earns his money honestly?
Would you not agree, that you can only know, whether or not the laws and
rules of society are applied fairly to everyone, if you could verify the
income and assets of others; if you could find out, how, and why, certain
people get the good jobs, the high positions or the lucrative contracts in
the world of business?
Well then, your right to know, as well as the mechanisms of transparence,
require, that you participate in this process of openness. Besides, why should
anyone be ashamed of disclosing his earnings, his holdings, connections or
plans, if there is nothing to be ashamed of? Such a radical shift in attitudes
from the commonly accepted and unquestioned wisdom of the right to privacy,
is necessary, not only, to generate, finally, the social conditions that
will make it possible to trust each other and our leaderships and their
institutions, but, it is the only way to get a firm hold on the rampant criminal
activities that are going-on, continuously, in the complex and affluent societies
of today.
.......
Chapter 13
Content
The extent of criminal activities in affluent societies.
The extent of social decay.
Large numbers of people may adapt quickly to a new social order.
Painful upheavals, but not necessarily a loss of viability for everyone.
The difficulties of a coordinated defense.
Revolutionary fervor, and the creation of an unnecessary resistance to change.
A revolution can only be called "just", if it avoids replacing one set of inequities with another.
An essentially optimistic expectation about future developments.
The ultimate tragedy.
Possibilities for learning.
A case of chronic, compulsive and obsessive behaviour-patterns.
The corporate dinosaurs, and the large energy-rivers of the protoplasmic primordium.
The superior viability of the small, efficient unit of the living cell.
The obligatory dependence of giants on a large and continuous influx of energy.
The likelyhood, that corporate dinosaurs will eventually merge with social leadership institutions.
The need to plan and coordinate research-efforts.
Work, seen as a privilege in the just societies of the future.
Like the living cell, a society will die, if it fails to repair itself continuously.
The extent of crime, (defined, here, as all activities and attitudes that
exploit the weakness and vulnerability of gullible people for the sake of
egocentric, primarily, financial gain), is so widespread, so unbelievable
in scope and penetration in the affluent societies, that we may safely say,
that no-one is completely free from an attitude or activity that is somewhat
harmful or detrimental to the interests of others. The laws and accepted
norms of behaviour do not even begin to cover the range of activities and
attitudes that contribute, every day, to a further accumulation of injustice,
as well as an insult to the dignity of those who are most vulnerable in these
affluent waste-lands.
The modern, affluent societies are based on a crumbling philosophy of
free-enterprise, as well as the fallacious and naive hope, that egocentric
activities can, somehow, be harnassed for the benefit of society. These societies
are crumbling, and, in spite of the lingering outlines of a gigantic economic
and social structure, the inner strength has disappeared to an extent few
people realise or dare to admit. It is only the economic momentum which keeps
this structure together, and the collapse may come, suddenly, at any
time.
I fear, that it is not possible to revert this process of decay, even, if
a widespread recognition would take place of the wrongs and errors upon which
the affluent societies have based their existence, but, I do foresee the
possibility, that, many of the people, now trapped and living in the shadow
of a disappearing free-enterprise economy, may adapt, rather quickly, to
a new social order, where the illusions of consumerist salvation and perpetual
sensual gratification have been replaced with a more sober and realistic
appreciation for the immediate problems and difficulties at hand.
In the future we will know ourselves much better, after we have educated
ourselves and taken control, again, over the media of communication. We will
recognise the importance of the sense of justice, and, we will be able to
design guidelines, safeguards and controls, which will make it possible to
live in a society with a reasonable level of justice and essential equality.
The changes, dislocations, shifts of power and adjustments in life-style
and living-standards will be so dramatic, and so swift, that many of these
changes will be felt as painful upheavals, and a feeling that the world has
come to an end.
It is not a foregone conclusion, that these changes can only come with the
power of the gun. Certainly, it will be difficult for those in positions
of power and privilege to give-up their privileges, but, it may well be,
that a sense of futility will prevail, making it difficult for those in a
position of power to defend themselves convincingly and with determination.
The structure of cohesion may have crumbled to such an extent, that there
is very little resistance to a radical change in the organisation and structuring
of the affluent society.
Any group, impatiently longing for the fall of the affluent world, would
do well, however, to consider the enormous influence of a persuasive idea,
as well as the probability, that a large part of the decaying society will
be willing to cooperate and help in the construction of a new social order.
Those, who are contemplating, impatiently, a violent over-throw, may do well
to consider the marked resistance such a take-over will create, especially,
if those, who are going to lose their positions or privileges can only expect
revenge, perhaps, even, death. Revolutionary fervor is, so often, the cause
for an act of desperate resistance and unnecessary bloodshed, while a little
patience would have brought the same changes, more smoothly and relatively
peacefully.
Let the revolutionary, in his eagerness to restore the wounded sense of justice,
not make the error of wounding the sense of justice of his enemies and potential
victims. How much bloodshed and misery can be avoided, if this simple truth
and logic would be understood and practiced by those, who are going to be
the conquerors of the future!
If a revolution is ever worth to be called "just", it should replace a society
that has a poor record of justice with a society that has a far better system
of justice for everyone. To trampel the rights of those who did a poor job
while in power, may satisfy the feelings of revenge, but, we should realise,
that such attitudes only replace one injustice with another.
There can be little doubt, that the future societies of mankind will be far
more transparent and open than they are today. We have outlined, how we visualise
modern computer techniques to play a crucial role in establishing the future
channels of communication and information, which will make even a large and
complex society, transparent and manageable. We have also outlined, how the
existence of mutual trust and confidence has to be based on openness and
the ability to scrutinise everything that is going-on within a society. We
have outlined, why it is necessary for each individual to be able to verify,
at any time, the justification of his attitude of trust. We have discussed,
how such a complete openness and transparence, together with the guarantee
of basic existential rights, should make it possible, for the first time
in history, to overcome the problems of corruption, crime and
inefficiency.
We will not repeat these ideas and arguments, here, but, we want to emphasise
the fact, that it is possible to design a far more just and harmonious society
than we have been able to, so far. There is good reason to believe, that
we will, finally, conquer the perplexing complexities of human behaviour,
if we start to understand, far more comprehensively, how we fit into the
organisation of living existence. As we learn to understand, why a human
being may, at times, be motivated to behave very much to the benefit of others,
while, at other times, the attitudes and behavioural acts are ruthlessly
destructive, egocentric and cruel, we may have a chance to harvest the more
beneficial motivations and control those that may lead to injustice, or,
even, disaster.
We may be able to overcome the problem, how to control our impulses, but,
on the other hand, we may not. As we have discussed several times already,
there may not be enough time to learn about ourselves and implement all the
safeguards and Constitutional Guidelines we are going to need in order to
have a chance to ensure the continued viability of human existence. If we
do not make it as a species, let us not consider it to be the ultimate tragedy
in the Universe, but, let us also avoid reckless and suicidal attitudes,
because, even, a momentary loss of control over a very small group of determined
people, may be sufficient to trigger a holocaust that is byond our powers
of imagination, and, may well be beyond our capabilities to recover
from.
We may learn about ourselves, and, we may be successfully implementing
Constitutional Guidelines for a globally integrated society of mankind, leading
to unimaginable possibilities of achievement and understanding. We may learn
about the requirements for global justice, and, we may learn to accept,
realistically, the price we have to pay to achieve a condition of real peace
on earth. Eventually, we may, even, want a true peace; a true harmony, and,
not the pseudo-peace of a frozen status-quo.
We may learn to appreciate the extent of our popular misconceptions. We may
come to the conclusion, that the haven of consumerism is not so attractive
or satisfying after all. We may learn to relinquish our compulsive obsession
with the consumption of all sorts of pleasurable stimuli. We may develop
some insight into the reasons, why so many of us are obsessed with the desire
to satisfy our sensual demands. We may learn to see, why, and how, we exist
in a gigantic cauldron of boiling tensions and frustrations, floating helplessly
and endlessly, hopelessly and blindly, on the swirling streams of emotions
and motivations.
Rarely have people suffered so chronically and on such a large scale from
a neurotic fixation as in our affluent, consumerist societies, and, we will,
eventualy, acknowledge, how we have been sucked into this condition of mental
slavery by the clever conditioning techniques of the large corporate structures
and their commercial interests. We are living in the Age of the Corporate
Dinosaurs, and, we are ruled by them. Justice is on the verge of disappearing,
because it is in the vital interests of these dinosaurs to enslave more and
more people. Their voracious appetite for this never-ending stream of cash
is growing all the time, and, these dinosaurs are becoming increasingly dependent
upon a continued expansion of the flow of cash.
It is remarkable, how much this picture of corporate giants, weaving their
tentacles of influence throughout the nations of the world and sucking-up
the energy of money through their muli-national inlets, reminds us about
the speculative images we have developed about the giant rivers of
energy-dissipation that were formed by the biochemical pathways of the primordial
protoplasm.
We have discussed, why every form of gigantism has a limited life expectancy.
The giant rivers of biochemical energy-dissipation, as we described in the
essay "Energy and Growth", have long since disappeared, but the nimble,
microscopic and efficient pathways of metabolism and catabolism have been
preserved in the protoplasmic interior of contemporary, living cells.
A long time ago, a tiny, microscopic particle of the organisation of living
existence became the sole survivor of these gigantic energy-pathways. The
reason, why giants become so vulnerable, is always the same. They become
increasingly dependent upon this gigantic flow of energy through their systems.
Just as the large energy-rivers disappeared, when the primordial protoplasmic
seas changed their conditions of existence, so were the reptilian dinosaurs
vulnerable to slight environmental changes, which, immediately, threatened
their large and continuous need for energy.
Similarly, corporate dinosaurs are extremely vulnerable to even slight changes
in cash-flow, caused by minute changes in public taste or governmental attitudes,
as we see in the changes of consumer spending habits and political controls.
This vulnerability to changes in the public taste and governmental policies
is one of the main reason for their relentless search for control over the
societies they exist in. It is possible, that, eventually, many of these
giants will disappear, or, that they will develop into socially more responsible
and responsive structures, merging with the leadership institutions of society,
and, hopefuly, injecting a healthy dose of efficient and computerised management
into the political and governmental bureaucracies.
However, we are speculating, here, and, this, we do not want to do, because
we have speculated extensively before on the possible and probable course
of future social developments. The main feature of future developments in
human societies will be a carefully scrutinised choice, rather than a blind
search for existence possibilities, as we see, now, when an ever-enlarging
segment of the population finds a niche of existence possibilities in government
bureaucracies.
Certainly, there will always be a need to research or develop a certain product
or function, but, before we start to research or develop anything, we will
have a good idea, why we want it, why we need it, and, how we are going to
coordinate all the necessary man-power and facilities to make the act of
research and development, a coordinated and efficient adventure; an act of
our collective and informed will, and, not the unbridled search for possibilities
of making a living, fueled by the existential anxieties of those who have
become involved with these activities.
In a just society, work will not be motivated, anymore, by the anxiety of
having to make a living, but, by a sense of responsibility for the tasks
that have to be accomplished, the problems that have to be solved, as well
as the decisions that have to be made. In a peaceful and harmonious society,
mutual dependence, individual differentiation and specialisation in function
will flourish, because these factors will have been precisely integrated
by Constitutional Guidelines, and, the watch-dog of collective conscience
and scrutiny will guard against the development of parasitic dependencies,
the temptations of egocentric exploitation, or, the build-up of serious
resentment and frustration by a chronically wounded sense of justice.
Society will never be free from tensions. It will never be free from worries,
or, free from the need to marshall the good-will of the people, and, it will
always be necessary to emphasise the importance of individual awarenesses
and contributions. We will always have to be alert, awake, constantly aware
of the collective and individual efforts that are necessary to keep society
in a state of reasonable vitality, harmony and good health.
A living cell will die, if it ceases to repair itself. Similarly, a society
will die, if it fails to maintain, with vigilance and justice, the conditions
of peaceful co-existence, based on a satisfied sense of justice and a contract
of essential equality.
.......
Summary
.......